第二章 文化碰撞

Source / 原文：http://www.americanyawp.com/text/02-colliding-cultures/

I. Introduction

一、引言

The Columbian Exchange transformed both sides of the Atlantic, but with dramatically disparate outcomes. New diseases wiped out entire civilizations in the Americas, while newly imported nutrient-rich foodstuffs enabled a European population boom. Spain benefited most immediately as the wealth of the Aztec and Incan Empires strengthened the Spanish monarchy. Spain used its new riches to gain an advantage over other European nations, but this advantage was soon contested.

哥伦布大交换改变了大西洋两岸，但结果却截然不同。新疾病在美洲摧毁了整个文明，而新引入的富含营养的食物则促进了欧洲的人口激增。西班牙从中最早受益，阿兹特克和印加帝国的财富增强了西班牙的君主制。西班牙利用其新获得的财富在其他欧洲国家中占据优势，但这种优势很快受到挑战。

Portugal, France, the Netherlands, and England all raced to the New World, eager to match the gains of the Spanish. Native peoples greeted the new visitors with responses ranging from welcoming cooperation to aggressive violence, but the ravages of disease and the possibility of new trading relationships enabled Europeans to create settlements all along the western rim of the Atlantic world. New empires would emerge from these tenuous beginnings, and by the end of the seventeenth century, Spain would lose its privileged position to its rivals. An age of colonization had begun and, with it, a great collision of cultures commenced.

葡萄牙、法国、荷兰和英格兰都争相进入新世界，渴望赶上西班牙的收获。土著人民对这些新访客的反应从热情合作到激烈的暴力不一而足，但疾病的肆虐和新的贸易关系的可能性使欧洲人在大西洋世界的西部沿岸建立了定居点。新的帝国将在这些脆弱的起点上崛起，到17世纪末，西班牙将失去其优越地位，被其竞争对手取代。殖民时代开始了，随之而来的是文化的大碰撞。

II. Spanish America

二、西（班牙）属美洲

Spain extended its reach in the Americas after reaping the benefits of its colonies in Mexico, the Caribbean, and South America. Expeditions slowly began combing the continent and bringing Europeans into the modern-day United States in the hopes of establishing religious and economic dominance in a new territory.

在从墨西哥、加勒比地区和南美的殖民地获益后，西班牙扩大了其在美洲的势力范围。探险队逐渐开始在整个大陆展开探索，试图在现代的美国地区建立宗教和经济上的主导地位。

Juan Ponce de León arrived in the area named La Florida in 1513. He found between 150,000 and 300,000 Native Americans. But then two and a half centuries of contact with European and African peoples—whether through war, slave raids, or, most dramatically, foreign disease—decimated Florida’s Indigenous population. European explorers, meanwhile, had hoped to find great wealth in Florida, but reality never aligned with their imaginations.

1513年，胡安·庞塞·德莱昂（Juan Ponce de León）到达了被命名为“佛罗里达”（La Florida）的地区。当时他发现那里居住着约15万至30万名美洲原住民。然而，接下来两个半世纪的欧洲人与非洲人的接触——无论是通过战争、奴隶袭击，还是最具破坏性的外来疾病——使佛罗里达的原住民人口大幅减少。与此同时，欧洲探险者希望在佛罗里达找到巨大的财富，但现实从未与他们的想象一致。

In the first half of the sixteenth century, Spanish colonizers fought frequently with Florida’s Native peoples as well as with other Europeans. In the 1560s Spain expelled French Protestants, called Huguenots, from the area near modern-day Jacksonville in northeast Florida. In 1586 English privateer Sir Francis Drake burned the wooden settlement of St. Augustine. At the dawn of the seventeenth century, Spain’s reach in Florida extended from the mouth of the St. Johns River south to the environs of St. Augustine—an area of roughly 1,000 square miles. The Spaniards attempted to duplicate methods for establishing control used previously in Mexico, the Caribbean, and the Andes. The Crown granted missionaries the right to live among Timucua and Guale villagers in the late 1500s and early 1600s and encouraged settlement through the encomienda system (grants of Native labor).

16世纪上半叶，西班牙殖民者频繁与佛罗里达的原住民以及其他欧洲人发生冲突。1560年代，西班牙将法国新教徒（称为胡格诺派）从今天佛罗里达州东北部杰克逊维尔附近的地区驱逐出去。1586年，英国私掠船长弗朗西斯·德雷克（Sir Francis Drake）焚毁了圣奥古斯丁的木质定居点。到了17世纪初，西班牙在佛罗里达的势力范围从圣约翰河口一直延伸到圣奥古斯丁周边，约1000平方英里。西班牙人试图复制他们此前在墨西哥、加勒比地区和安第斯山脉建立控制的方法。王室在16世纪末至17世纪初授予传教士在蒂穆夸（Timucua）和瓜莱（Guale）村庄中居住的权利，并通过恩科米恩达制度（原住民劳动的授予）鼓励定居。

In the 1630s, the mission system extended into the Apalachee district in the Florida panhandle. The Apalachee, one of the most powerful tribes in Florida at the time of contact, claimed the territory from the modern Florida-Georgia border to the Gulf of Mexico. Apalachee farmers grew an abundance of corn and other crops. Native American traders carried surplus products east along the Camino Real (the royal road) that connected the western anchor of the mission system with St. Augustine. Spanish settlers drove cattle eastward across the St. Johns River and established ranches as far west as Apalachee. Still, Spain held Florida tenuously.

1630年代，传教系统扩展到了佛罗里达狭长地带的阿帕拉契地区。阿帕拉契（Apalachee）是接触时期佛罗里达最强大的部落之一，他们声称从现代佛罗里达-乔治亚州边界到墨西哥湾的领土。阿帕拉契的农民种植了大量的玉米和其他作物。美洲原住民商人通过卡米诺皇家大道（Camino Real，皇家之路）将多余的农产品运往东部，这条道路连接了传教系统的西部终点与圣奥古斯丁。西班牙定居者将牛群向东驱赶，穿过圣约翰河，建立了远至阿帕拉契的牧场。然而，西班牙对佛罗里达的控制依然非常脆弱。

Farther west, in 1598, Juan de Oñate led four hundred settlers, soldiers, and missionaries from Mexico into New Mexico. The Spanish Southwest had brutal beginnings. When Oñate sacked the Pueblo city of Acoma, the “sky city,” the Spaniards slaughtered nearly half of its roughly 1,500 inhabitants, including women and children. Oñate ordered one foot cut off every surviving male over age fifteen, and he enslaved the remaining women and children.

在更西边的地区，1598年，胡安·德·奥纳特（Juan de Oñate）带领400名定居者、士兵和传教士从墨西哥前往新墨西哥。西班牙人在西南地区的统治以残暴开始。当奥纳特攻陷普韦布洛（Pueblo）城阿科马（Acoma），即“天空之城”时，西班牙人屠杀了大约1,500名居民中的近一半，包括妇女和儿童。奥纳特命令将所有15岁以上幸存男性的一只脚砍掉，并将剩下的妇女和儿童变为奴隶。

Santa Fe, the first permanent European settlement in the Southwest, was established in 1610. Few Spaniards relocated to the Southwest because of the distance from Mexico City and the dry and hostile environment. Thus, the Spanish never achieved a commanding presence in the region. By 1680, only about three thousand colonists called Spanish New Mexico home. There, they traded with and exploited the local Puebloan peoples. The region’s Puebloan population had plummeted from as many as sixty thousand in 1600 to about seventeen thousand in 1680.

圣菲（Santa Fe）是西南地区首个永久的欧洲定居点，于1610年建立。由于距离墨西哥城遥远且环境干旱恶劣，搬迁到西南地区的西班牙人很少。因此，西班牙人在该地区从未形成强有力的存在。到1680年，只有大约三千名殖民者称西班牙新墨西哥为家。他们在此与当地的普韦布洛人（Puebloan）进行贸易并加以剥削。该地区的普韦布洛人口从1600年的约六万锐减到1680年的约一万七千人。

Spain shifted strategies after the military expeditions wove their way through the southern and western half of North America. Missions became the engine of colonization in North America. Missionaries, most of whom were members of the Franciscan religious order, provided Spain with an advance guard in North America. Catholicism had always justified Spanish conquest, and colonization always carried religious imperatives. By the early seventeenth century, Spanish friars had established dozens of missions along the Rio Grande and in California.

在军事远征穿越北美洲南部和西部后，西班牙调整了策略。传教站成为西班牙在北美殖民的引擎。大多数传教士是方济各会的成员，他们为西班牙在北美提供了前线力量。天主教一直为西班牙的征服提供正当性，而殖民活动始终带有宗教使命。到17世纪初，西班牙的修士们已经在格兰德河沿岸和加利福尼亚州建立了数十个传教站。

III. Spain’s Rivals Emerge

三、西班牙的竞争对手崭露头角

While Spain plundered the New World, unrest plagued Europe. The Reformation threw England and France, the two European powers capable of contesting Spain, into turmoil. Long and expensive conflicts drained time, resources, and lives. Millions died from religious violence in France alone. As the violence diminished in Europe, however, religious and political rivalries continued in the New World.

当西班牙掠夺新世界时，欧洲内部动荡不断。宗教改革使英格兰和法国这两个能够与西班牙抗衡的欧洲强国陷入混乱。漫长且耗费巨大的冲突耗费了大量时间、资源和生命。仅在法国，数百万人因宗教暴力而死亡。然而，随着欧洲的暴力逐渐减少，宗教和政治的竞争在新世界继续上演。

The Spanish exploitation of New Spain’s riches inspired European monarchs to invest in exploration and conquest. Reports of Spanish atrocities spread throughout Europe and provided a humanitarian justification for European colonization. An English reprint of the writings of Bartolomé de Las Casas bore the sensational title “Popery Truly Display’d in its Bloody Colours: Or, a Faithful Narrative of the Horrid and Unexampled Massacres, Butcheries, and all manners of Cruelties that Hell and Malice could invent, committed by the Popish Spanish.” An English writer explained that Native Americans “were simple and plain men, and lived without great labour,” but in their lust for gold the Spaniards “forced the people (that were not used to labour) to stand all the daie in the hot sun gathering gold in the sand of the rivers. By this means a great number of them (not used to such pains) died, and a great number of them (seeing themselves brought from so quiet a life to such misery and slavery) of desperation killed themselves. And many would not marry, because they would not have their children slaves to the Spaniards.”⁵ The Spanish accused their critics of fostering a “Black Legend.” The Black Legend drew on religious differences and political rivalries. Spain had successful conquests in France, Italy, Germany, and the Netherlands and left many in those nations yearning to break free from Spanish influence. English writers argued that Spanish barbarities were foiling a tremendous opportunity for the expansion of Christianity across the globe and that a benevolent conquest of the New World by non-Spanish monarchies offered the surest salvation of the New World’s pagan masses. With these religious justifications, and with obvious economic motives, Spain’s rivals arrived in the New World.

西班牙对新西班牙财富的掠夺激发了其他欧洲君主对探索和征服的投资兴趣。关于西班牙暴行的报道在欧洲广为传播，并为欧洲殖民提供了所谓的人道主义理由。英格兰重新出版了巴托洛梅·德·拉斯·卡萨斯的著作，标题极为耸人听闻：“《天主教的血腥面貌：一部忠实叙述的恐怖且前所未有的大屠杀、残暴行径及地狱和恶意能发明出的各种残忍行为，均由西班牙天主教徒所为》。” 一位英国作家解释说，美洲原住民“是简单朴素的人，过着无需大量劳力的生活”，但为了满足对黄金的贪欲，西班牙人“强迫这些不习惯劳动的人整天在烈日下从河流的沙土中搜集黄金。因此，许多人因不适应这种艰苦的劳动而死亡，另一些人（看到自己从宁静的生活被拖入这种痛苦与奴役）出于绝望自杀了。许多人不愿结婚，因为他们不想让自己的孩子成为西班牙人的奴隶。” 西班牙指责这些批评者散布“黑色传说”。这一传说利用了宗教分歧和政治竞争。西班牙在法国、意大利、德国和荷兰的成功征服让这些国家中的许多人渴望摆脱西班牙的影响。英国作家认为，西班牙的野蛮行径阻碍了基督教在全球范围内扩展的巨大机会，非西班牙君主对新世界的仁慈征服将是拯救新世界异教徒最有保障的途径。怀着这些宗教借口和明显的经济动机，西班牙的竞争对手纷纷来到新世界。

The French

法国人

The French crown subsidized exploration in the early sixteenth century. Early French explorers sought a fabled Northwest Passage, a mythical waterway passing through the North American continent to Asia. Despite the wealth of the New World, Asia’s riches still beckoned to Europeans. Canada’s St. Lawrence River appeared to be such a passage, stretching deep into the continent and into the Great Lakes. French colonial possessions centered on these bodies of water (and, later, down the Mississippi River to the port of New Orleans).

法国王室在16世纪早期资助了探索活动。早期的法国探险家寻求传说中的西北航道，这是一条神话般的水路，穿过北美大陆通往亚洲。尽管新世界富饶，但亚洲的财富仍吸引着欧洲人。加拿大的圣劳伦斯河似乎就是这样一条通道，它深入大陆，通向五大湖。法国的殖民地集中在这些水体附近（后来沿着密西西比河延伸到新奥尔良港口）。

French colonization developed through investment from private trading companies. Traders established Port Royal in Acadia (Nova Scotia) in 1603 and launched trading expeditions that stretched down the Atlantic coast as far as Cape Cod. The needs of the fur trade set the future pattern of French colonization. Founded in 1608 under the leadership of Samuel de Champlain, Quebec provided the foothold for what would become New France. French fur traders placed a higher value on cooperating with Indigenous people than on establishing a successful French colonial footprint. Asserting dominance in the region could have been to their own detriment, as it might have compromised their access to skilled Native American trappers, and therefore wealth. Few Frenchmen traveled to the New World to settle permanently. In fact, few traveled at all. Many persecuted French Protestants (Huguenots) sought to emigrate after France criminalized Protestantism in 1685, but all non-Catholics were forbidden in New France.

法国殖民地的发展依赖私人贸易公司的投资。商人们于1603年在阿卡迪亚（今新斯科舍省）的皇家港建立了据点，并发起了沿大西洋海岸一直延伸到科德角的贸易探险。皮草贸易的需求设定了法国殖民的未来模式。1608年，在塞缪尔·德·尚普兰的领导下，魁北克成为新法兰西的立足点。法国皮草商人比起建立成功的法国殖民地，更看重与原住民的合作。强行在该地区主导可能对他们不利，因为这可能会危及他们获得熟练的美洲原住民捕猎者及其财富的机会。很少有法国人永久定居新世界。事实上，前往新世界的人寥寥无几。1685年法国将新教徒定为非法后，许多遭受迫害的法国新教徒（胡格诺派）希望移民，但在新法兰西，所有非天主教徒都被禁止入境。

The French preference for trade over permanent settlement fostered more cooperative and mutually beneficial relationships with Native Americans than was typical among the Spanish and English. Perhaps eager to debunk the anti-Catholic elements of the Black Legend, the French worked to cultivate cooperation with Native Americans. Jesuit missionaries, for instance, adopted different conversion strategies than the Spanish Franciscans. Spanish missionaries brought Natives into enclosed missions, whereas Jesuits more often lived with or alongside Indigenous people. Many French fur traders married Native American women. The offspring of Native American women and French men were so common in New France that the French developed a word for these children, Métis(sage). The Huron people developed a particularly close relationship with the French, and many converted to Christianity and engaged in the fur trade. But close relationships with the French would come at a high cost. The Huron were decimated by the ravages of European disease, and entanglements in French and Dutch conflicts proved disastrous. Despite this, some Native peoples maintained alliances with the French.

法国对贸易而非永久定居的偏好促进了与美洲原住民之间更为合作和互惠的关系，这与西班牙和英格兰的情况截然不同。为了揭穿反天主教的“黑色传说”中的一些成分，法国人努力与美洲原住民建立合作关系。例如，耶稣会传教士采用的转化策略与西班牙的方济会士不同。西班牙传教士将原住民带入封闭的传教区，而耶稣会士则更常与土著人一起生活。许多法国皮毛商人与美洲原住民女性结婚。法国的新法兰西中，土著女性与法国男性所生的后代如此普遍，以至于法国为这些孩子创造了一个词，称为“Métis（美籍混血儿）”。赫伦族（Huron）与法国建立了特别密切的关系，许多人皈依了基督教并参与了皮毛贸易。但与法国的密切关系也付出了高昂的代价。赫伦族遭受了欧洲疾病的严重打击，而卷入法荷冲突的纠葛更是灾难性。然而，部分土著民族仍与法国保持联盟。

Pressure from the powerful Iroquois in the East pushed many Algonquian-speaking peoples toward French territory in the midseventeenth century, and together they crafted what historians have called a “middle ground,” a kind of cross-cultural space that allowed for native and European interaction, negotiation, and accommodation. French traders adopted—sometimes clumsily—the gift-giving and mediation strategies expected of Native leaders. Natives similarly engaged the impersonal European market and adapted—often haphazardly—to European laws. The Great Lakes “middle ground” experienced tumultuous success throughout the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries until English colonial officials and American settlers swarmed the region. The pressures of European expansion strained even the closest bonds.

来自东部强大易洛魁（Iroquois）的压力在17世纪中叶迫使许多讲阿尔冈昆语的民族向法国领土迁移，他们共同创造了历史学家所称的“中间地带”，一种允许土著人与欧洲人互动、谈判和适应的跨文化空间。法国商人有时笨拙地采用了土著领袖所期望的赠礼和调解策略。土著人同样参与了非个人化的欧洲市场，并对欧洲法律进行了适应——往往是漫无目的的。“五大湖”的“中间地带”在17世纪末和18世纪初经历了动荡的成功，直到英属殖民官员和美国移民涌入该地区。欧洲扩张的压力甚至给最亲密的关系也带来了紧张。

The Dutch

荷兰人

The Netherlands, a small maritime nation with great wealth, achieved considerable colonial success. In 1581, the Netherlands had officially broken away from the Hapsburgs and won a reputation as the freest of the new European nations. Dutch women maintained separate legal identities from their husbands and could therefore hold property and inherit full estates.

荷兰是一个小型海洋国家，但却拥有巨大的财富，取得了相当大的殖民成功。1581年，荷兰正式脱离哈布斯堡家族统治，赢得了作为新欧洲国家中最自由的声誉。荷兰女性与丈夫拥有独立的法律身份，因此可以拥有财产并继承完整的遗产。

Ravaged by the turmoil of the Reformation, the Dutch embraced greater religious tolerance and freedom of the press than other European nations. Radical Protestants, Catholics, and Jews flocked to the Netherlands. The English Pilgrims, for instance, fled first to the Netherlands before sailing to the New World years later. The Netherlands built its colonial empire through the work of experienced merchants and skilled sailors. The Dutch were the most advanced capitalists in the modern world and marshaled extensive financial resources by creating innovative financial organizations such as the Amsterdam Stock Exchange and the Dutch East India Company. Although the Dutch offered liberties, they offered very little democracy—power remained in the hands of only a few. And Dutch liberties certainly had their limits. The Dutch advanced the slave trade and brought enslaved Africans with them to the New World. Slavery was an essential part of Dutch capitalist triumphs.

在宗教改革的动荡中，荷兰比其他欧洲国家更为宽容，拥护更大的宗教宽容和新闻自由。激进的新教徒、天主教徒和犹太人纷纷涌向荷兰。例如，英格兰的清教徒最初逃往荷兰，几年后才乘船前往新世界。荷兰通过经验丰富的商人和技术娴熟的水手建立了自己的殖民帝国。荷兰人是现代世界中最先进的资本家，通过建立诸如阿姆斯特丹证券交易所和荷兰东印度公司等创新金融组织，调动了大量金融资源。尽管荷兰人提供了自由，但几乎没有民主——权力仍掌握在少数人手中。荷兰的自由也有其限制。荷兰人推动了奴隶贸易，并将被奴役的非洲人带到新世界。奴隶制是荷兰资本主义成功的重要组成部分。

Sharing the European hunger for access to Asia, in 1609 the Dutch commissioned the Englishman Henry Hudson to discover the fabled Northwest Passage through North America. He failed, of course, but nevertheless found the Hudson River and claimed modern-day New York for the Dutch. There they established New Netherland, an essential part of the Dutch New World empire. The Netherlands chartered the Dutch West India Company in 1621 and established colonies in Africa, the Caribbean, and North America. The island of Manhattan provided a launching pad to support its Caribbean colonies and attack Spanish trade.

由于与其他欧洲国家一样渴望进入亚洲，荷兰于1609年委托英国人亨利·哈德逊寻找穿越北美的传说中的西北航道。他当然失败了，但仍然发现了哈德逊河，并为荷兰宣称了现代纽约。在那里，他们建立了新荷兰，这是荷兰新世界帝国的重要组成部分。荷兰于1621年特许成立荷兰西印度公司，并在非洲、加勒比和北美建立殖民地。曼哈顿岛为支持其加勒比殖民地并攻击西班牙贸易提供了一个发射台。

Spiteful of the Spanish and mindful of the Black Legend, the Dutch were determined not to repeat Spanish atrocities. They fashioned guidelines for New Netherland that conformed to the ideas of Hugo Grotius, a legal philosopher who believed that Native peoples possessed the same natural rights as Europeans. Colony leaders insisted that land be purchased; in 1626 Peter Minuit therefore “bought” Manhattan from Munsee people. Despite the seemingly honorable intentions, it is likely the Dutch paid the wrong people for the land (either intentionally or unintentionally) or that the Munsee and the Dutch understood the transaction in very different terms. Transactions like these illustrated both the Dutch attempt to find a more peaceful process of colonization and the inconsistency between European and Native American understandings of property.

荷兰人怀着对西班牙的恶感和对黑色传说的警惕，决心不重蹈西班牙的暴行。他们为新荷兰制定了符合法律哲学家雨果·格劳秀斯思想的指南，格劳秀斯认为土著人民与欧洲人拥有相同的自然权利。殖民地领导人坚称必须购买土地，因此在1626年，彼得·米努伊特（Peter Minuit）“购买”了曼哈顿岛，交易对象是门西（Munsee）人。尽管表面上看似有体面的意图，但荷兰人很可能是向错误的人（无论是故意还是无意）购买了土地，或者门西人和荷兰人对交易的理解截然不同。这类交易表明了荷兰人试图寻找一种更和平的殖民过程，但也反映出欧洲人与美洲原住民对财产权理解的不一致。

Like the French, the Dutch sought to profit, not to conquer. Trade with Native peoples became New Netherland’s central economic activity. Dutch traders carried wampum along Native trade routes and exchanged it for beaver pelts. Wampum consisted of shell beads fashioned by Algonquians on the southern New England coast and was valued as a ceremonial and diplomatic commodity among the Iroquois. Wampum became a currency that could buy anything from a loaf of bread to a plot of land.

与法国人类似，荷兰人寻求的是利润，而非征服。与土著人民的贸易成为新荷兰的主要经济活动。荷兰商人沿着土著贸易路线运输贝壳货币（wampum），并以此交换海狸毛皮。贝壳货币由阿尔冈基人（Algonquians）在新英格兰南部海岸制作，被伊罗夸斯人视为仪式和外交商品。贝壳货币成为了一种货币，可以用来购买从一条面包到一块土地的任何东西。

In addition to developing these trading networks, the Dutch also established farms, settlements, and lumber camps. The West India Company directors implemented the patroon system to encourage colonization. The patroon system granted large estates to wealthy landlords, who subsequently paid passage for the tenants to work their land. Expanding Dutch settlements correlated with deteriorating relations with local Native Americans. In the interior of the continent, the Dutch retained valuable alliances with the Iroquois to maintain Beverwijck, modern-day Albany, as a hub for the fur trade. In the places where the Dutch built permanent settlements, the ideals of peaceful colonization succumbed to the settlers’ increasing demand for land. Armed conflicts erupted as colonial settlements encroached on Native villages and hunting lands. Profit and peace, it seemed, could not coexist.

除了发展这些贸易网络外，荷兰人还建立了农场、定居点和伐木营。西印度公司董事实施了“ patroon”制度，以鼓励殖民化。该制度向富裕的地主授予大庄园，地主随后为前来务农的租户支付旅费。随着荷兰定居点的扩张，荷兰人与当地土著居民的关系逐渐恶化。在内陆地区，荷兰人保持了与伊罗夸斯人的重要联盟，以维持贝弗维克（Beverwijck），即如今的奥尔巴尼（Albany），作为毛皮贸易的中心。在荷兰建立永久定居点的地方，和平殖民的理想屈服于移民日益增长的土地需求。随着殖民地的扩张侵占了土著村庄和狩猎土地，武装冲突爆发。看来，利润与和平无法共存。

Labor shortages, meanwhile, crippled Dutch colonization. The patroon system failed to bring enough tenants, and the colony could not attract a sufficient number of indentured servants to satisfy the colony’s backers. In response, the colony imported eleven enslaved people owned by the company in 1626, the same year that Minuit purchased Manhattan. Enslaved laborers were tasked with building New Amsterdam (modern-day New York City), including a defensive wall along the northern edge of the colony (the site of modern-day Wall Street). They created its roads and maintained its all-important port. Fears of racial mixing led the Dutch to import enslaved women, enabling the formation of African Dutch families. The colony’s first African marriage occurred in 1641, and by 1650 there were at least five hundred enslaved Africans in the colony. By 1660, New Amsterdam had the largest urban enslaved population on the continent.

与此同时，劳动力短缺严重削弱了荷兰的殖民化进程。“Patroon”制度未能带来足够的租户，殖民地无法吸引到足够数量的契约工人来满足殖民地支持者的需求。作为回应，殖民地在1626年进口了公司拥有的11名奴隶，而这一年正是米努伊特购买曼哈顿的年份。这些奴隶工人被指派负责建造新阿姆斯特丹（即今天的纽约市），包括在殖民地北部边缘修建防御工事（即今天的华尔街所在位置）。他们修建了殖民地的道路，并维护着至关重要的港口。出于对种族混合的担忧，荷兰人开始进口奴隶女性，使非洲荷兰家庭得以形成。殖民地的第一对非洲婚姻发生在1641年，到1650年时，殖民地中至少有五百名奴隶非洲人。到1660年，新阿姆斯特丹成为大陆上最大的城市奴隶人口聚集地。

As was typical of the practice of African slavery in much of the early seventeenth century, Dutch slavery in New Amsterdam was less comprehensively exploitative than later systems of American slavery. Some enslaved Africans, for instance, successfully sued for back wages. When several enslaved people owned by the company fought for the colony against the Munsee, they petitioned for their freedom and won a kind of “half freedom” that allowed them to work their own land in return for paying a large tithe, or tax, to their enslavers. The children of these “half-free” laborers remained held in bondage by the West India Company, however. The Dutch, who so proudly touted their liberties, grappled with the reality of African slavery, and some New Netherlanders protested the enslavement of Christianized Africans. The economic goals of the colony slowly crowded out these cultural and religious objections, and the much-boasted liberties of the Dutch came to exist alongside increasingly brutal systems of slavery.

与十七世纪早期大部分地区的非洲奴隶制度相比，新阿姆斯特丹的荷兰奴隶制在剥削性上并不那么全面。例如，一些被奴役的非洲人成功地起诉索要拖欠工资。当几位被公司拥有的奴隶为殖民地与穆恩西人作战时，他们请求获得自由，最终赢得了一种“半自由”的身份，允许他们在缴纳高额税收给奴隶主的条件下自耕自种。然而，这些“半自由”劳工的子女仍然被西印度公司奴役。荷兰人自豪地宣扬自己的自由，但却不得不面对非洲奴隶制的现实，一些新荷兰人甚至抗议奴役受洗的非洲人。殖民地的经济目标逐渐压倒了这些文化和宗教上的反对意见，荷兰人引以为傲的自由与愈发残酷的奴隶制度并存。

The Portuguese

葡萄牙人

The Portuguese had been leaders in Atlantic navigation well ahead of Columbus’s voyage. But the incredible wealth flowing from New Spain piqued the rivalry between the two Iberian countries, and accelerated Portuguese colonization efforts. This rivalry created a crisis within the Catholic world as Spain and Portugal squared off in a battle for colonial supremacy. The pope had earlier intervened and divided the New World with the Treaty of Tordesillas in 1494. Land east of the Tordesillas Meridian, an imaginary line dividing South America, would be given to Portugal, whereas land west of the line was reserved for Spanish conquest. In return for the license to conquer, both Portugal and Spain were instructed to treat the natives with Christian compassion and to bring them under the protection of the Church.

葡萄牙人在哥伦布航行之前就已在大西洋航海中处于领先地位。但从新西班牙涌入的巨额财富激化了这两个伊比利亚国家之间的竞争，加速了葡萄牙的殖民努力。这场竞争在天主教世界中引发了危机，因为西班牙和葡萄牙在争夺殖民霸权的战斗中相对立。教皇曾于1494年介入，并通过《托尔德西利亚斯条约》划分新世界。托尔德西利亚斯子午线以东的土地将归葡萄牙所有，而线以西的土地则保留给西班牙征服。作为征服的许可，两国都被指示以基督教的慈悲对待土著居民，并将其置于教会的保护之下。

Lucrative colonies in Africa and India initially preoccupied Portugal, but by 1530 the Portuguese turned their attention to the land that would become Brazil, driving out French traders and establishing permanent settlements. Gold and silver mines dotted the interior of the colony, but two industries powered early colonial Brazil: sugar and the slave trade. In fact, over the entire history of the Atlantic slave trade, more Africans were enslaved in Brazil than in any other colony in the Atlantic World. Gold mines emerged in greater numbers throughout the eighteenth century but still never rivaled the profitability of sugar or slave trading.

葡萄牙最初关注于非洲和印度的丰饶殖民地，但到1530年，葡萄牙开始将目光转向未来将成为巴西的土地，驱逐法国商人并建立永久定居点。黄金和白银矿在殖民地内部分布广泛，但推动早期殖民巴西的两个产业是糖和奴隶贸易。实际上，在整个大西洋奴隶贸易历史上，被奴役的非洲人在巴西的数量超过了任何其他大西洋殖民地。虽然在十八世纪，黄金矿数量有所增加，但其盈利能力仍无法与糖或奴隶贸易相媲美。

Jesuit missionaries brought Christianity to Brazil, but strong elements of African and Native spirituality mixed with orthodox Catholicism to create a unique religious culture. This culture resulted from the demographics of Brazilian slavery. High mortality rates on sugar plantations required a steady influx of new enslaved laborers, thus perpetuating the cultural connection between Brazil and Africa. The reliance on new imports of enslaved laborers increased the likelihood of resistance, however, and those who escaped slavery managed to create several free settlements, called quilombos. These settlements drew from both enslaved Africans and Natives, and despite frequent attacks, several endured throughout the long history of Brazilian slavery.

耶稣会传教士将基督教带到了巴西，但非洲和土著精神信仰与正统天主教的强烈元素交融，创造出独特的宗教文化。这种文化是巴西奴隶制人口结构的结果。糖种植园的高死亡率需要源源不断地输入新的被奴役劳动者，从而维持巴西与非洲之间的文化联系。然而，对新进口的被奴役劳动者的依赖也增加了抵抗的可能性，逃脱奴役的人们成功创建了多个自由定居点，称为 quilombos。这些定居点既包括被奴役的非洲人，也包括土著人，尽管频繁遭受攻击，但在巴西奴隶制漫长的历史中，依然有若干定居点得以存续。

Despite the arrival of these new Europeans, Spain continued to dominate the New World. The wealth flowing from the exploitation of the Aztec and Incan Empires greatly eclipsed the profits of other European nations. But this dominance would not last long. By the end of the sixteenth century, the powerful Spanish Armada would be destroyed, and the English would begin to rule the waves.

尽管这些新欧洲人的到来，西班牙依然继续主宰新世界。从对阿兹特克和印加帝国的掠夺中流入的财富远远超过其他欧洲国家的利润。然而，这种主导地位不会持续太久。到十六世纪末，强大的西班牙无敌舰队将被摧毁，而英格兰将开始称霸海洋。

IV. English Colonization

四、英国殖民

Spain had a one-hundred-year head start on New World colonization, and a jealous England eyed the enormous wealth that Spain gleaned. The Protestant Reformation had shaken England, but Elizabeth I assumed the English crown in 1558. Elizabeth oversaw England’s so-called golden age, which included both the expansion of trade and exploration and the literary achievements of Shakespeare and Marlowe. English mercantilism, a state-assisted manufacturing and trading system, created and maintained markets. The markets provided a steady supply of consumers and laborers, stimulated economic expansion, and increased English wealth.

西班牙在新世界殖民上早早领先了百年，而嫉妒的英国则关注着西班牙获得的巨额财富。宗教改革动摇了英格兰的基础，但伊丽莎白一世于1558年登基，统治期间，英国迎来了所谓的黄金时代，这一时期不仅包括贸易和探索的扩张，还有莎士比亚和马洛的文学成就。英国的重商主义，一个国家辅助的制造和贸易体系，创造并维护了市场。这些市场提供了稳定的消费者和劳动力，刺激了经济扩张，并增加了英国的财富。

However, wrenching social and economic changes unsettled the English population. The island’s population increased from fewer than three million in 1500 to over five million by the middle of the seventeenth century.¹⁶ The skyrocketing cost of land coincided with plummeting farming income. Rents and prices rose but wages stagnated. Moreover, movements to enclose public land—sparked by the transition of English landholders from agriculture to livestock raising—evicted tenants from the land and created hordes of landless, jobless peasants that haunted the cities and countryside. One quarter to one half of the population lived in extreme poverty.

然而，剧烈的社会和经济变革使英格兰民众感到不安。1500年时，英格兰的人口不足三百万，到十七世纪中叶已增至超过五百万。土地价格飞涨与农业收入骤降并存，租金和物价上涨，但工资却停滞不前。此外，公共土地围垦运动的兴起，促使英格兰的土地所有者从农业转向养殖，导致大量佃农被驱逐，形成一大批无地无业的农民，他们游荡在城市和乡村之间。大约四分之一到一半的人口生活在极端贫困之中。

New World colonization won support in England amid a time of rising English fortunes among the wealthy, a tense Spanish rivalry, and mounting internal social unrest. But supporters of English colonization always touted more than economic gains and mere national self-interest. They claimed to be doing God’s work. Many claimed that colonization would glorify God, England, and Protestantism by Christianizing the New World’s pagan peoples. Advocates such as Richard Hakluyt the Younger and John Dee, for instance, drew upon The History of the Kings of Britain, written by the twelfth-century monk Geoffrey of Monmouth, and its mythical account of King Arthur’s conquest and Christianization of pagan lands to justify American conquest. Moreover, promoters promised that the conversion of New World Native Americans would satisfy God and glorify England’s “Virgin Queen,” Elizabeth I, who was seen as nearly divine by some in England. The English—and other European Protestant colonizers—imagined themselves superior to the Spanish, who still bore the Black Legend of inhuman cruelty. English colonization, supporters argued, would prove that superiority.

新世界的殖民事业在当时英格兰财富日益增长、与西班牙的紧张竞争以及内部社会动荡加剧的背景下获得了支持。但支持者们所倡导的英格兰殖民并不仅仅是为了经济利益和国家自我利益。他们声称自己是在做上帝的工作。许多人认为，殖民可以通过将新世界的异教徒人民基督教化，来荣耀上帝、荣耀英格兰和新教。例如，理查德·哈克卢特（Richard Hakluyt the Younger）和约翰·迪（John Dee）等倡导者引用了由十二世纪僧侣杰弗里·蒙茅斯（Geoffrey of Monmouth）所著的《不列颠王史》，以及其中对亚瑟王征服和基督教化异教土地的神话描述，来为美国的征服辩护。此外，推广者们承诺，将新世界的美洲原住民转换为基督教将使上帝感到满意，并荣耀英格兰的“处女皇后”伊丽莎白一世，后者在英格兰被一些人视为近乎神圣的存在。支持者认为，英格兰人以及其他欧洲新教殖民者自视优于仍然背负“黑色传说”的西班牙人，后者被认为是残忍的化身。他们争辩称，英格兰的殖民将证明这种优越性。

In his 1584 “Discourse on Western Planting,” Richard Hakluyt amassed the supposed religious, moral, and exceptional economic benefits of colonization. He repeated the Black Legend of Spanish New World terrorism and attacked the sins of Catholic Spain. He promised that English colonization could strike a blow against Spanish heresy and bring Protestant religion to the New World. English interference, Hakluyt suggested, might provide the only salvation from Catholic rule in the New World. The New World, too, he said, offered obvious economic advantages. Trade and resource extraction would enrich the English treasury. England, for instance, could find plentiful materials to outfit a world-class navy. Moreover, he said, the New World could provide an escape for England’s vast armies of landless “vagabonds.” Expanded trade, he argued, would not only bring profit but also provide work for England’s jobless poor. A Christian enterprise, a blow against Spain, an economic stimulus, and a social safety valve all beckoned the English toward a commitment to colonization.

在1584年，理查德·哈克卢伊特（Richard Hakluyt）在其《西方种植的论述》中，详细列举了殖民的宗教、道德和经济利益。他重申了西班牙在新世界的恐怖行为的黑色传说，抨击了天主教西班牙的罪恶。他承诺，英格兰的殖民可以对西班牙的异端教义予以打击，并将新教传播到新世界。哈克卢伊特暗示，英格兰的干预可能是新世界逃脱天主教统治的唯一希望。他指出，新世界也显然提供了经济优势，贸易和资源开采将使英格兰的国库充盈。例如，英格兰可以找到丰富的材料来装备一支世界级的海军。此外，他表示，新世界可以为英格兰的大批无地“流浪者”提供一个逃生的机会。他认为，扩大贸易不仅会带来利润，还将为英格兰的失业者提供工作。哈克卢伊特把殖民描述为一个基督教事业、对西班牙的打击、经济刺激和社会安全阀，所有这些都吸引着英格兰致力于殖民。

This noble rhetoric veiled the coarse economic motives that brought England to the New World. New economic structures and a new merchant class paved the way for colonization. England’s merchants lacked estates, but they had new plans to build wealth. By collaborating with new government-sponsored trading monopolies and employing financial innovations such as joint-stock companies, England’s merchants sought to improve on the Dutch economic system. Spain was extracting enormous material wealth from the New World; why shouldn’t England? Joint-stock companies, the ancestors of modern corporations, became the initial instruments of colonization. With government monopolies, shared profits, and managed risks, these money-making ventures could attract and manage the vast capital needed for colonization. In 1606 James I approved the formation of the Virginia Company (named after Elizabeth, the Virgin Queen).

这种高尚的言辞掩盖了促使英格兰前往新世界的粗鄙经济动机。新的经济结构和新兴的商人阶级为殖民铺平了道路。英格兰的商人没有土地，但他们有新的致富计划。通过与政府赞助的贸易垄断合作，并利用如合伙公司等金融创新，英格兰的商人试图改善荷兰的经济体系。西班牙正在从新世界中提取巨额财富；英格兰为何不能呢？合伙公司，现代公司的前身，成为殖民的最初工具。凭借政府垄断、共享利润和管理风险，这些赚钱的企业能够吸引和管理殖民所需的大量资本。1606年，詹姆斯一世批准成立了以“处女皇后”伊丽莎白命名的弗吉尼亚公司。

Rather than formal colonization, however, the most successful early English ventures in the New World were a form of state-sponsored piracy known as privateering. Queen Elizabeth sponsored sailors, or “Sea Dogges,” such as John Hawkins and Francis Drake, to plunder Spanish ships and towns in the Americas. Privateers earned a substantial profit both for themselves and for the English crown. England practiced piracy on a scale, one historian wrote, “that transforms crime into politics.” Francis Drake harried Spanish ships throughout the Western Hemisphere and raided Spanish caravans as far away as the coast of Peru on the Pacific Ocean. In 1580 Elizabeth rewarded her skilled pirate with knighthood. But Elizabeth walked a fine line. With Protestant-Catholic tensions already running high, English privateering provoked Spain. Tensions worsened after the execution of Mary, Queen of Scots, a Catholic. In 1588, King Philip II of Spain unleashed the fabled Armada. With 130 ships, 8,000 sailors, and 18,000 soldiers, Spain launched the largest invasion in history to destroy the British navy and depose Elizabeth.

不过，早期英格兰在新世界最成功的活动并非正式的殖民，而是一种由国家赞助的海盗行为，称为“私掠”。伊丽莎白女王支持水手（或称“海狗”），如约翰·霍金斯和弗朗西斯·德雷克，劫掠西班牙在美洲的船只和城镇。私掠者为自己和英格兰王室带来了巨额利润。一位历史学家曾写道，英格兰的海盗行为规模如此之大，“以至于将犯罪转化为政治。”弗朗西斯·德雷克在整个西半球骚扰西班牙船只，甚至远至太平洋的秘鲁沿岸袭击西班牙的商队。1580年，伊丽莎白女王授予这位技艺精湛的海盗骑士头衔。然而，伊丽莎白在这方面走得很谨慎。由于新教和天主教之间的紧张关系已经很严重，英格兰的私掠行动进一步激怒了西班牙。紧张局势在苏格兰女王玛丽（一位天主教徒）被处决后更加恶化。1588年，西班牙国王菲利普二世派出了传说中的“无敌舰队”。西班牙调集了130艘舰船、8,000名水手和18,000名士兵，发动了历史上规模最大的入侵，企图摧毁英国海军并推翻伊丽莎白女王。

An island nation, England depended on a robust navy for trade and territorial expansion. England had fewer ships than Spain, but they were smaller and swifter. They successfully harassed the armada, forcing it to retreat to the Netherlands for reinforcements. But then a fluke storm, celebrated in England as the “Protestant wind,” annihilated the remainder of the fleet. The destruction of the armada changed the course of world history. It not only saved England and secured English Protestantism, but it also opened the seas to English expansion and paved the way for England’s colonial future. By 1600, England stood ready to embark on its dominance over North America.

作为一个岛国，英格兰依赖强大的海军来进行贸易和领土扩张。尽管英格兰的舰船数量少于西班牙，但它们更小、更迅速。英格兰成功地骚扰了西班牙无敌舰队，迫使其撤退到荷兰寻求增援。然而，接着一场意外的风暴，英格兰称之为“新教风”，摧毁了舰队的剩余部分。这场无敌舰队的毁灭改变了世界历史的进程。它不仅拯救了英格兰并巩固了英格兰的新教信仰，还为英格兰的扩张打开了海洋，为英格兰的殖民未来铺平了道路。到1600年，英格兰已准备好开始在北美的统治。

English colonization would look very different from Spanish or French colonization. England had long been trying to conquer Catholic Ireland. Rather than integrating with the Irish and trying to convert them to Protestantism, England more often simply seized land through violence and pushed out the former inhabitants, leaving them to move elsewhere or to die. These same tactics would later be deployed in North American invasions.

英格兰的殖民活动与西班牙或法国的殖民活动有很大不同。英格兰长期以来一直试图征服天主教的爱尔兰。与其与爱尔兰人融合并试图将他们转化为新教徒，英格兰更常通过暴力直接夺取土地，将原住民驱逐出去，让他们迁移或死亡。这些相同的策略后来也在北美的入侵中被采用。

English colonization, however, began haltingly. Sir Humphrey Gilbert labored throughout the late sixteenth century to establish a colony in Newfoundland but failed. In 1587, with a predominantly male cohort of 150 English colonizers, John White reestablished an abandoned settlement on North Carolina’s Roanoke Island. Supply shortages prompted White to return to England for additional support, but the Spanish Armada and the mobilization of British naval efforts stranded him in Britain for several years. When he finally returned to Roanoke, he found the colony abandoned. What befell the failed colony? White found the word Croatoan carved into a tree or a post in the abandoned colony. Historians presume the colonists, short of food, may have fled for a nearby island of that name and encountered its settled native population. Others offer violence as an explanation. Regardless, the English colonists were never heard from again. When Queen Elizabeth died in 1603, no Englishmen had yet established a permanent North American colony.

然而，英格兰的殖民活动开始时却是踌躇不前的。霍姆弗雷·吉尔伯特爵士在16世纪末致力于在纽芬兰建立一个殖民地，但未能成功。1587年，约翰·怀特带着150名以男性为主的英格兰殖民者在北卡罗来纳州的罗阿诺克岛重新建立了一个被遗弃的定居点。由于供应短缺，怀特不得不返回英格兰寻求进一步的支持，但西班牙无敌舰队的到来以及英国海军力量的动员使他在英国滞留了数年。当他终于回到罗阿诺克时，发现殖民地已被遗弃。这个失败的殖民地发生了什么？怀特在被遗弃的殖民地发现“克罗阿托恩”这个词刻在一棵树或一个柱子上。历史学家推测，殖民者因缺乏食物，可能逃往一个叫这个名字的邻近岛屿，并与其定居的土著居民遭遇。也有人提出暴力是原因。不管怎样，这些英格兰殖民者再也没有音讯。当伊丽莎白女王于1603年去世时，尚未有任何英国人在北美建立永久性殖民地。

After King James made peace with Spain in 1604, privateering no longer held out the promise of cheap wealth. Colonization assumed a new urgency. The Virginia Company, established in 1606, drew inspiration from Cortés and the Spanish conquests. It hoped to find gold and silver as well as other valuable trading commodities in the New World: glass, iron, furs, pitch, tar, and anything else the country could supply. The company planned to identify a navigable river with a deep harbor, away from the eyes of the Spanish. There they would find a Native American trading network and extract a fortune from the New World.

在詹姆斯国王于1604年与西班牙达成和平之后，私掠活动不再承诺能带来廉价财富。殖民活动变得更加紧迫。于1606年成立的弗吉尼亚公司受到科尔特斯和西班牙征服的启发。它希望在新世界中找到黄金和白银以及其他有价值的贸易商品：玻璃、铁、毛皮、柏油、沥青以及其他国家能够提供的任何东西。该公司计划找到一条可以通航的河流，拥有深水港口，避开西班牙的目光。在那里，他们将发现一个土著贸易网络，并从新世界提取财富。

V. Jamestown

五、詹姆斯敦

In April 1607 Englishmen aboard three ships—the Susan Constant, the Godspeed, and the Discovery—sailed forty miles up the James River (named for the English king) in present-day Virginia (named for Elizabeth I, the Virgin Queen) and settled on just such a place. The uninhabited peninsula they selected was upriver and out of sight of Spanish patrols. It offered easy defense against ground assaults and was both uninhabited and located close to many Native American villages and their potentially lucrative trade networks. But the location was a disaster. Indigenous people had ignored the peninsula for two reasons: terrible soil hampered agriculture, and brackish tidal water led to debilitating disease. Despite these setbacks, the English built Jamestown, the first permanent English colony in the present-day United States.

1607年4月，英格兰人乘坐三艘船——《苏珊·康斯坦特号》、《神速号》和《发现号》——沿着詹姆斯河（以英王詹姆斯的名字命名）向上航行了四十英里，来到了现在的弗吉尼亚州（以伊丽莎白一世，处女女王的名字命名），并在这里定居。他们选择的这个无人居住的半岛位于河流上游，远离西班牙的巡逻。这里易于防御地面袭击，既无人居住，又靠近许多土著村庄及其潜在的丰厚贸易网络。然而，这个地点却是个灾难。当地的土著居民出于两个原因忽视了这个半岛：恶劣的土壤使农业受阻，而咸潮水则导致了严重的疾病。尽管遇到这些挫折，英格兰人还是在这里建立了詹姆斯敦，这是如今美国境内的第一个永久性英殖民地。

The English had not entered a wilderness but had arrived amid a people they called the Powhatan Confederacy. Powhatan, or Wahunsenacawh, as he called himself, led nearly ten thousand Algonquian-speaking people in the Chesapeake. They burned vast acreage to clear brush and create sprawling artificial parklike grasslands so they could easily hunt deer, elk, and bison. The Powhatan raised corn, beans, squash, and possibly sunflowers, rotating acreage throughout the Chesapeake. Without plows, manure, or draft animals, the Powhatan produced a remarkable number of calories cheaply and efficiently.

英格兰人并非进入了一片荒野，而是来到了一片他们称之为波瓦坦联盟的土著人民的领地。波瓦坦，或称瓦胡森纳卡威，他自己称呼的名字，领导着切萨皮克地区近一万名讲阿尔戈基语的人。他们烧掉大片土地以清除灌木，创造出广阔的人造公园般的草地，以便更容易猎取鹿、驼鹿和野牛。波瓦坦人种植玉米、豆类、南瓜，可能还种植向日葵，轮作土地遍布整个切萨皮克地区。没有犁、肥料或役用动物，波瓦坦人却以低廉而高效的方式生产出令人惊讶的热量。

Jamestown was a profit-seeking venture backed by investors. The colonists were mostly gentlemen and proved entirely unprepared for the challenges ahead. They hoped for easy riches but found none. As John Smith later complained, they “would rather starve than work.” And so they did. Disease and starvation ravaged the colonists, thanks in part to the peninsula’s unhealthy location and the fact that supplies from England arrived sporadically or spoiled. Fewer than half of the original colonists survived the first nine months.

詹姆斯敦是一个由投资者支持的营利性项目。殖民者大多是贵族，对即将面临的挑战完全没有准备。他们希望能够轻松致富，但却一无所获。正如约翰·史密斯后来抱怨的那样，他们“宁愿饿死也不愿工作”。结果，他们真的挨饿了。由于殖民地所在半岛环境恶劣，加上来自英格兰的补给要么到达不及时，要么已经腐烂，疾病和饥饿肆虐殖民者。最初的殖民者中不到一半在头九个月里幸存下来。

John Smith, a yeoman’s son and capable leader, took command of the crippled colony and promised, “He that will not work shall not eat.” He navigated Native American diplomacy, claiming that he was captured and sentenced to death but Powhatan’s daughter, Pocahontas, intervened to save his life. She would later marry another colonist, John Rolfe, and die in England.

约翰·史密斯，一个自耕农的儿子，是一位能力出众的领导者，他接管了处于困境的殖民地，并宣告：“谁不工作，谁就没饭吃。” 他在与美洲原住民的外交中表现出色，声称自己曾被俘并被判处死刑，但波瓦坦的女儿宝嘉康蒂亚出面救了他。后来，宝嘉康蒂亚嫁给了另一位殖民者约翰·罗尔夫，并在英格兰去世。

Powhatan kept the English alive that first winter. The Powhatan had welcomed the English and placed a high value on metal ax-heads, kettles, tools, and guns and eagerly traded furs and other abundant goods for them. With ten thousand confederated natives and with food in abundance, Indigenous people had little to fear and much to gain from the isolated outpost of sick and dying Englishmen.

在第一个冬天里，波瓦坦部落让英格兰人活了下来。波瓦坦人十分看重金属斧头、锅、工具和枪支，热衷于用毛皮和其他丰富的物资进行交易。拥有一万名联盟成员和充足的食物，原住民对这些病弱、孤立无援的英格兰据点没有太多担忧，反而从中获益。

Despite reinforcements, the English continued to die. Four hundred settlers arrived in 1609, but the overwhelmed colony entered a desperate “starving time” in the winter of 1609–1610. Supplies were lost at sea. Relations with Native Americans deteriorated and the colonists fought a kind of slow-burning guerrilla war with the Powhatan. Disaster loomed for the colony. The settlers ate everything they could, roaming the woods for nuts and berries. They boiled leather. They dug up graves to eat the corpses of their former neighbors. One man was executed for killing and eating his wife. Some years later, George Percy recalled the colonists’ desperation during these years, when he served as the colony’s president: “Having fed upon our horses and other beasts as long as they lasted, we were glad to make shift with vermin as dogs, cats, rats and mice . . . as to eat boots shoes or any other leather. . . . And now famine beginning to look ghastly and pale in every face, that nothing was spared to maintain life and to doe those things which seam incredible, as to dig up dead corpses out of graves and to eat them.” Archaeological excavations in 2012 exhumed the bones of a fourteen-year-old girl that exhibited signs of cannibalism. All but sixty settlers would die by the summer of 1610.

尽管增援到达，英格兰人的死亡人数仍在继续增加。1609年，四百名移民抵达，但这个不堪重负的殖民地在1609至1610年的冬季陷入了绝望的“饥荒时期”。供应品在海上丢失，与美洲原住民的关系恶化，殖民者与波瓦坦人展开了一场缓慢而隐秘的游击战。灾难即将降临这个殖民地。殖民者尽可能地吃掉他们能找到的东西，在森林里寻找坚果和浆果，煮皮革，甚至挖掘坟墓，吃掉以前邻居的尸体。有一名男子因杀死并吃掉他的妻子而被处决。几年后，乔治·珀西回忆起他担任殖民地总统期间的绝望时刻：“我们吃掉了我们的马和其他牲畜，直到它们都吃光为止，随后我们只能靠狗、猫、老鼠和其他害虫来维持生计……甚至吃靴子、鞋子或其他任何皮革……此时饥荒在每个人的脸上显得格外可怕，没什么是不能拿来维持生命的，甚至干出一些看似难以置信的事，比如从坟墓里挖出尸体来吃。”2012年的考古发掘揭示了一具十四岁女孩的遗骨，显示出她遭遇了食人族行为。到1610年夏天，除了六十名殖民者外，其他人都死去了。

Little improved over the next several years. By 1616, 80 percent of all English immigrants who had arrived in Jamestown had perished. England’s first American colony was a catastrophe. The colony was reorganized, and in 1614 the marriage of Pocahontas to John Rolfe eased relations with the Powhatan, though the colony still limped along as a starving, commercially disastrous tragedy. The colonists were unable to find any profitable commodities and remained dependent on Native Americans and sporadic shipments from England for food. But then tobacco saved Jamestown.

接下来的几年情况几乎没有改善。到1616年，抵达詹姆斯敦的所有英国移民中，有80%已经死去。英格兰的第一个美洲殖民地成为了一场灾难。殖民地经过重组后，1614年波卡洪塔斯与约翰·罗尔夫的婚姻缓解了与波瓦坦人的关系，尽管殖民地依旧以饥饿和商业惨败的悲剧形式勉强维持着。殖民者无法找到任何有利可图的商品，仍然依赖于美洲原住民和间歇性从英格兰运送的食物。然后，烟草拯救了詹姆斯敦。

By the time King James I described tobacco as a “noxious weed, . . . loathsome to the eye, hateful to the nose, harmful to the brain, and dangerous to the lungs,” it had already taken Europe by storm. In 1616 John Rolfe crossed tobacco strains from Trinidad and Guiana and planted Virginia’s first tobacco crop. In 1617 the colony sent its first cargo of tobacco back to England. The “noxious weed,” a native of the New World, fetched a high price in Europe and the tobacco boom began in Virginia and then later spread to Maryland. Within fifteen years American colonists were exporting over five hundred thousand pounds of tobacco per year. Within forty years, they were exporting fifteen million.

当詹姆斯一世国王将烟草称为“有害的杂草，… 看了让人厌恶，闻了令人作呕，对大脑有害且对肺部危险”时，它已经在欧洲引起了轰动。1616年，约翰·罗尔夫将特立尼达和圭亚那的烟草品种进行杂交，种植了弗吉尼亚的第一批烟草作物。1617年，殖民地将第一批烟草货物运回英格兰。这种来自新世界的“有害杂草”在欧洲卖出了高价，弗吉尼亚的烟草热潮随之而起，后来扩展到马里兰。十五年内，美国殖民者每年出口超过五十万磅烟草，四十年后这一数字达到了一千五百万磅。

Tobacco changed everything. It saved Virginia from ruin, incentivized further colonization, and laid the groundwork for what would become the United States. With a new market open, Virginia drew not only merchants and traders but also settlers. Colonists came in droves. They were mostly young, mostly male, and mostly indentured servants who signed contracts called indentures that bonded them to employers for a period of years in return for passage across the ocean. But even the rough terms of servitude were no match for the promise of land and potential profits that beckoned English farmers. But still there were not enough of them. Tobacco was a labor-intensive crop and ambitious planters, with seemingly limitless land before them, lacked only laborers to escalate their wealth and status. The colony’s great labor vacuum inspired the creation of the “headright policy” in 1618: any person who migrated to Virginia would automatically receive fifty acres of land and any immigrant whose passage they paid would entitle them to fifty acres more.

烟草改变了一切。它拯救了弗吉尼亚免于毁灭，激励了进一步的殖民活动，并为后来成为美国的基础奠定了基础。随着新市场的开放，弗吉尼亚吸引了不仅是商人和贸易者，还有大量的定居者。移民蜂拥而至，主要是年轻男性，很多是签署了契约的契约仆人，他们与雇主签订了一种称为“契约”的合同，以换取渡过海洋的费用。但是，即便是苛刻的劳工条款也抵挡不住土地和潜在利润的诱惑，这些都吸引着英国家庭。然而，移民的数量仍然不足。烟草是一种劳动密集型作物，雄心勃勃的种植者面前土地似乎是无穷无尽的，缺少的只是劳动力来提升他们的财富和地位。殖民地对劳动力的巨大需求促使1618年制定了“土地头权政策”：任何迁移到弗吉尼亚的人都会自动获得五十英亩的土地，而为移民支付过渡费用的人将获得额外的五十英亩土地。

In 1619, the Virginia Company established the House of Burgesses, a limited representative body composed of white landowners that first met in Jamestown. That same year, a Dutch slave ship sold twenty Africans to the Virginia colonists. Southern slavery was born.

1619年，弗吉尼亚公司成立了“伯爵院”，这是一个由白人土地拥有者组成的有限代表机构，首次在詹姆斯敦召开会议。同年，一艘荷兰奴隶船将二十名非洲人卖给了弗吉尼亚的殖民者，南方的奴隶制度由此诞生。

Soon the tobacco-growing colonists expanded beyond the bounds of Jamestown’s deadly peninsula. When it became clear that the English were not merely intent on maintaining a small trading post but sought a permanent ever-expanding colony, conflict with the Powhatan Confederacy became almost inevitable. Powhatan died in 1622 and was succeeded by his brother, Opechancanough, who promised to drive the land-hungry colonists back into the sea. He launched a surprise attack and in a single day (March 22, 1622) killed over 350 colonists, or one third of all the colonists in Virginia. The colonists retaliated and revisited the massacres on Indigenous settlements many times over. The massacre freed the colonists to drive Native Americans off their land. The governor of Virginia declared it colonial policy to achieve the “expulsion of the savages to gain the free range of the country.” War and disease tilted the balance of power decisively toward the English colonizers.

不久，种植烟草的殖民者们开始超越詹姆斯敦致命半岛的界限。当英格兰人显然不满足于维持一个小型贸易站，而是希望建立一个永久且不断扩展的殖民地时，与波瓦坦联盟的冲突几乎是不可避免的。波瓦坦于1622年去世，他的弟弟奥佩昌卡诺继任，誓言要将渴望土地的殖民者驱回大海。他发起了一次突袭，在一天之内（1622年3月22日）杀死了350多名殖民者，占弗吉尼亚所有殖民者的三分之一。殖民者进行报复，多次对土著聚落进行大规模屠杀。这场大屠杀使殖民者得以将美洲原住民驱逐出他们的土地。弗吉尼亚州的总督宣布，殖民政策是实现“驱逐野蛮人，以获取该地区的自由牧场”。战争和疾病使权力的天平明显倾斜，最终向英国殖民者倾斜。

English colonists brought to the New World particular visions of racial, cultural, and religious supremacy. Despite starving in the shadow of the Powhatan Confederacy, English colonists nevertheless judged themselves physically, spiritually, and technologically superior to Native peoples in North America. Christianity, metallurgy, intensive agriculture, transatlantic navigation, and even wheat all magnified the English sense of superiority. This sense of superiority, when coupled with outbreaks of violence, left the English feeling entitled to Indigenous lands and resources.

英国殖民者将特定的种族、文化和宗教优越观念带到了新世界。尽管在波瓦坦联盟的阴影下饱受饥饿，英国殖民者仍然认为自己在身体、精神和技术上优于北美的土著民族。基督教、冶金技术、集约农业、跨大西洋航海，甚至小麦，都增强了英国人对自身优越性的感知。这种优越感与暴力行为交织在一起，使英国人感到自己有权占有土著的土地和资源。

Spanish conquerors established the framework for the Atlantic slave trade over a century before the first chained Africans arrived at Jamestown. Even Bartolomé de Las Casas, celebrated for his pleas to save Native Americans from colonial butchery, for a time recommended that Indigenous labor be replaced by importing Africans. Early English settlers from the Caribbean and Atlantic coast of North America mostly imitated European ideas of African inferiority. “Race” followed the expansion of slavery across the Atlantic world. Skin color and race suddenly seemed fixed. Englishmen equated Africans with categorical blackness and blackness with sin, “the handmaid and symbol of baseness.” An English essayist in 1695 wrote that “a negro will always be a negro, carry him to Greenland, feed him chalk, feed and manage him never so many ways.” More and more Europeans embraced the notions that Europeans and Africans were of distinct races. Others now preached that the Old Testament God cursed Ham, the son of Noah, and doomed Black people to perpetual enslavement.

西班牙征服者在第一批被锁链束缚的非洲人抵达詹姆斯镇之前，就已经建立了大西洋奴隶贸易的框架，早达一个世纪。甚至连巴托洛梅·德·拉斯卡萨（Bartolomé de Las Casas）这位因呼吁拯救土著人民免遭殖民屠杀而受到赞誉的人，也曾一度建议用进口非洲人取代土著劳动力。来自加勒比地区和北美大西洋沿岸的早期英国定居者大多模仿欧洲对非洲人劣势的看法。“种族”随着奴隶制在大西洋世界的扩展而出现。肤色和种族突然被认为是固定不变的。英国人将非洲人与绝对的黑色相等同，而黑色则被视为罪恶，“卑劣的仆人和象征”。一位1695年的英国散文家写道：“黑人的本质始终是黑人的，无论把他带到格林兰，喂他石灰，还是用其他方式喂养和管理。”越来越多的欧洲人接受了欧洲人与非洲人是不同种族的观点。另一些人则宣扬《旧约》中的上帝诅咒汉，诺亚的儿子，注定黑人永远被奴役。

And yet in the early years of American slavery, ideas about race were not yet fixed and the practice of slavery was not yet codified. The first generations of Africans in English North America faced miserable conditions, but, in contrast to later American history, their initial servitude was not necessarily permanent, heritable, or even particularly disgraceful. Africans were definitively set apart as fundamentally different from their white counterparts and faced longer terms of service and harsher punishments, but, like the indentured white servants whisked away from English slums, these first Africans in North America could also work for only a set number of years before becoming free landowners themselves. The Angolan Anthony Johnson, for instance, was sold into servitude but fulfilled his indenture and became a prosperous tobacco planter himself.

然而，在美国奴隶制的早期阶段，关于种族的观念尚未固定，奴隶制的实践也未被明确规定。最初几代在英国北美的非洲人生活在悲惨的条件下，但与后来的美国历史相比，他们的初期劳作并不一定是永久的、世袭的，甚至不算特别耻辱。尽管非洲人与白人有着明显的区别，面临更长的劳作期限和更严厉的惩罚，但与那些从英国贫民区被带走的契约白人劳工一样，这些在北美的首批非洲人也可以在规定的年限后获得自由，成为土地拥有者。例如，安哥拉人安东尼·约翰逊（Anthony Johnson）被卖为奴，但他完成了自己的契约，最终成为一位繁荣的烟草种植者。

In 1622, at the dawn of the tobacco boom, Jamestown had still seemed a failure. But the rise of tobacco and the destruction of the Powhatan turned the tide. Colonists escaped the deadly peninsula and immigrants poured into the colony to grow tobacco and turn a profit for the Crown.

在1622年，烟草热潮刚刚开始时，詹姆斯敦仍然看起来是一个失败的地方。然而，烟草的兴起和波瓦坦的覆灭扭转了局势。殖民者们摆脱了致命的半岛，移民们涌入该殖民地，种植烟草并为王室谋取利润。

VI. New England

六、新英格兰

The English colonies in New England established from 1620 onward were founded with loftier goals than those in Virginia. Although migrants to New England expected economic profit, religious motives directed the rhetoric and much of the reality of these colonies. Not every English person who moved to New England during the seventeenth century was a Puritan, but Puritans dominated the politics, religion, and culture of New England. Even after 1700, the region’s Puritan inheritance shaped many aspects of its history.

自1620年起建立的新英格兰英殖民地，其目标比弗吉尼亚的殖民地更为崇高。尽管迁移到新英格兰的人们期待经济利益，但宗教动机引导了这些殖民地的言辞和许多实际情况。在17世纪，前往新英格兰的所有英国人并不都是清教徒，但清教徒主导了新英格兰的政治、宗教和文化。即使在1700年之后，该地区的清教徒遗产依然塑造着其历史的许多方面。

The term Puritan began as an insult, and its recipients usually referred to each other as “the godly” if they used a specific term at all. Puritans believed that the Church of England did not distance itself far enough from Catholicism after Henry VIII broke with Rome in the 1530s. They largely agreed with European Calvinists—followers of theologian John Calvin—on matters of religious doctrine. Calvinists (and Puritans) believed that humankind was redeemed by God’s grace alone, and that the fate of an individual’s immortal soul was predestined. The happy minority that God had already chosen to save were known among English Puritans as the Elect. Calvinists also argued that the decoration of churches, reliance on ornate ceremony, and corrupt priesthood obscured God’s message. They believed that reading the Bible was the best way to understand God.

“清教徒”这一词最初是一个侮辱性称谓，接受这一称谓的人通常称彼此为“虔诚者”，如果他们使用特定的术语的话。清教徒认为，英格兰教会在亨利八世于1530年代与罗马教廷决裂后，并没有足够地脱离天主教。他们在宗教教义方面与欧洲加尔文主义者——即神学家约翰·加尔文的追随者们——大体一致。加尔文主义者（和清教徒）相信，人类仅靠上帝的恩典得以救赎，个人的灵魂命运是注定的。上帝已经选择拯救的少数人被英格兰清教徒称为“选民”。加尔文主义者还认为，教堂的装饰、华丽的仪式以及腐败的神职人员模糊了上帝的信息。他们相信，阅读圣经是理解上帝的最佳途径。

Puritans were stereotyped by their enemies as dour killjoys, and the exaggeration has endured. It is certainly true that the Puritans’ disdain for excess and opposition to many holidays popular in Europe (including Christmas, which, as Puritans never tired of reminding everyone, the Bible never told anyone to celebrate) lent themselves to caricature. But Puritans understood themselves as advocating a reasonable middle path in a corrupt world. It would never occur to a Puritan, for example, to abstain from alcohol or sex.

清教徒被敌人刻板印象化为严肃的“扫兴者”，这种夸大效果至今仍在延续。清教徒确实鄙视奢华，反对欧洲许多流行的节日（包括圣诞节，清教徒们总是提醒大家，圣经从未告诉任何人要庆祝这个节日），这使他们更容易成为讽刺的对象。然而，清教徒认为自己是在一个堕落的世界中倡导合理中庸之道。举例来说，清教徒根本不会想到要戒酒或禁欲。

During the first century after the English Reformation (c. 1530–1630) Puritans sought to “purify” the Church of England of all practices that smacked of Catholicism, advocating a simpler worship service, the abolition of ornate churches, and other reforms. They had some success in pushing the Church of England in a more Calvinist direction, but with the coronation of King Charles I (r. 1625–1649), the Puritans gained an implacable foe that cast English Puritans as excessive and dangerous. Facing growing persecution, the Puritans began the Great Migration, during which about twenty thousand people traveled to New England between 1630 and 1640. The Puritans (unlike the small band of separatist “Pilgrims” who founded Plymouth Colony in 1620) remained committed to reforming the Church of England but temporarily decamped to North America to accomplish this task. Leaders like John Winthrop insisted they were not separating from, or abandoning, England but were rather forming a godly community in America that would be a “City on a Hill” and an example for reformers back home. The Puritans did not seek to create a haven of religious toleration, a notion that they—along with nearly all European Christians—regarded as ridiculous at best and dangerous at worst.

在英格兰宗教改革后的第一个世纪（约1530年至1630年），清教徒努力“净化”英格兰教会，消除所有带有天主教色彩的实践，倡导简化的礼拜服务、废除华丽的教堂及其他改革。他们在推动英格兰教会朝着加尔文主义方向发展方面取得了一些成功，但随着查理一世国王（1625年至1649年）的加冕，清教徒遇到了一个坚定的敌人，英格兰清教徒被视为过于极端和危险。面对日益加剧的迫害，清教徒开始了大迁徙，约两万人在1630年至1640年间前往新英格兰。与1620年建立普利茅斯殖民地的小团体“朝圣者”不同，清教徒仍然致力于改革英格兰教会，但暂时移居北美以完成这一任务。约翰·温斯罗普等领导者坚称，他们并非要与英格兰分离或抛弃英格兰，而是要在美洲建立一个虔诚的社区，成为“山上的城市”，为国内的改革者树立榜样。清教徒并不寻求建立一个宗教宽容的避风港，他们与几乎所有欧洲基督徒一样，认为这种观念往好了说是荒谬的，往坏了说是危险的。

While the Puritans did not succeed in building a godly utopia in New England, a combination of Puritan traits with several external factors created colonies wildly different from any other region settled by English people. Unlike those heading to Virginia, colonists in New England (Plymouth [1620], Massachusetts Bay [1630], Connecticut [1636], and Rhode Island [1636]) generally arrived in family groups. Most New England immigrants were small landholders in England, a class contemporary English called the “middling sort.” When they arrived in New England they tended to replicate their home environments, founding towns composed of independent landholders. The New England climate and soil made large-scale plantation agriculture impractical, so the system of large landholders using masses of enslaved laborers or indentured servants to grow labor-intensive crops never took hold.

尽管清教徒未能在新英格兰建立一个虔诚的乌托邦，但清教徒的特质与若干外部因素的结合，创造了与其他英人定居的地区截然不同的殖民地。与前往弗吉尼亚的移民不同，新英格兰的殖民者（普利茅斯[1620年]、马萨诸塞湾[1630年]、康涅狄格[1636年]和罗德岛[1636年]）通常以家庭为单位抵达。大多数新英格兰移民在英格兰是小型土地拥有者，这一阶层在当时被称为“中产阶级”。他们抵达新英格兰后，倾向于复制原有的生活环境，建立由独立土地拥有者组成的城镇。新英格兰的气候和土壤使得大规模种植农业不切实际，因此，大地主依靠大量奴隶劳动力或契约劳工来种植劳动密集型作物的模式并未形成。

There is no evidence that the New England Puritans would have opposed such a system were it possible; other Puritans made their fortunes on the Caribbean sugar islands, and New England merchants profited as suppliers of provisions and enslaved laborers to those colonies. By accident of geography as much as by design, New England society was much less stratified than any of Britain’s other seventeenth-century colonies.

没有证据表明，如果可能的话，新英格兰清教徒会反对这种制度；其他清教徒在加勒比海的蔗糖岛上发家致富，而新英格兰商人作为这些殖民地的供应者和被奴役的劳工，也从中获利。与英国 17 世纪的其他殖民地相比，新英格兰社会的分层程度要低得多，这既是地理上的偶然，也是有意为之。

Although New England colonies could boast wealthy landholding elites, the disparity of wealth in the region remained narrow compared to the Chesapeake, Carolina, or the Caribbean. Instead, seventeenth-century New England was characterized by a broadly shared modest prosperity based on a mixed economy dependent on small farms, shops, fishing, lumber, shipbuilding, and trade with the Atlantic World.

尽管新英格兰的殖民地有富有的土地精英，但与切萨皮克、卡罗来纳或加勒比地区相比，区域内的财富差距仍然相对较小。十七世纪的新英格兰更以一种广泛共享的适度繁荣为特征，这种繁荣依赖于小规模农场、商铺、渔业、木材、造船以及与大西洋世界的贸易所形成的混合经济。

A combination of environmental factors and the Puritan social ethos produced a region of remarkable health and stability during the seventeenth century. New England immigrants avoided most of the deadly outbreaks of tropical disease that turned the Chesapeake colonies into graveyards. Disease, in fact, only aided English settlement and relations to Native Americans. In contrast to other English colonists who had to contend with powerful Native American neighbors, the Puritans confronted the stunned survivors of a biological catastrophe. A lethal pandemic of smallpox during the 1610s swept away as much as 90 percent of the region’s Native American population. Many survivors welcomed the English as potential allies against rival tribes who had escaped the catastrophe. The relatively healthy environment coupled with political stability and the predominance of family groups among early immigrants allowed the New England population to grow to 91,000 people by 1700 from only 21,000 immigrants. In contrast, 120,000 English went to the Chesapeake, and only 85,000 white colonists remained in 1700.

环境因素与清教徒的社会伦理相结合，造就了十七世纪一个健康和稳定的地区。新英格兰的移民避开了使切萨皮克殖民地变成墓地的大多数致命热带疾病。实际上，疾病不仅促进了英国的定居，也改善了与土著居民的关系。与其他需要应对强大土著邻居的英国殖民者不同，清教徒面对的是一场生物灾难后的震惊幸存者。在1610年代，一场致命的天花疫情席卷了该地区，导致多达90%的土著人口消失。许多幸存者欢迎英国人，视其为对抗逃脱这场灾难的敌对部落的潜在盟友。相对健康的环境，加上政治稳定和早期移民中家庭群体的占主导地位，使新英格兰的人口从仅有的21,000名移民增长到1700年的91,000人。相比之下，120,000名英国人移居切萨皮克，而1700年时只有85,000名白人殖民者留在那儿。

The New England Puritans set out to build their utopia by creating communities of the godly. Groups of men, often from the same region of England, applied to the colony’s General Court for land grants.³³ They generally divided part of the land for immediate use while keeping much of the rest as “commons” or undivided land for future generations. The town’s inhabitants collectively decided the size of each settler’s home lot based on their current wealth and status. Besides oversight of property, the town restricted membership, and new arrivals needed to apply for admission. Those who gained admittance could participate in town governments that, while not democratic by modern standards, nevertheless had broad popular involvement. All male property holders could vote in town meetings and choose the selectmen, assessors, constables, and other officials from among themselves to conduct the daily affairs of government. Upon their founding, towns wrote covenants, reflecting the Puritan belief in God’s covenant with his people. Towns sought to arbitrate disputes and contain strife, as did the Church. Wayward or divergent individuals were persuaded, corrected, or coerced. Popular conceptions of Puritans as hardened authoritarians are exaggerated, but if persuasion and arbitration failed, people who did not conform to community norms were punished or removed. Massachusetts banished Anne Hutchinson, Roger Williams, and other religious dissenters like the Quakers.

新英格兰的清教徒们致力于通过创建“神圣的”社区来实现他们的乌托邦理想。来自同一地区的男性团体通常向殖民地的总法院申请土地授予。他们通常会将部分土地划分为立即使用的宅基地，同时将其余土地保留为“公共土地”或供后代使用的未分割土地。城镇居民根据每个定居者的财富和地位共同决定其宅基地的大小。除了对财产的监督外，城镇还限制成员资格，新来者需要申请入会。获得入会资格的人可以参与城镇政府的事务，尽管与现代标准相比，这种政府并不民主，但仍有广泛的公众参与。所有男性财产持有者都可以在城镇会议上投票，并在自己中选举出管理日常事务的选举官、评估官、治安官及其他官员。城镇成立时会制定公约，以反映清教徒对上帝与其子民立约的信仰。城镇居民寻求仲裁纠纷并控制冲突，教会也是如此。对那些偏离或与众不同的人进行劝说、纠正或采取强制措施。公众对清教徒的刻板印象常常夸大了他们的专制性，但如果劝说和仲裁失败，不符合社区规范的人会受到惩罚或被驱逐。马萨诸塞州驱逐了安妮·哈钦森、罗杰·威廉姆斯以及其他宗教异见者，如贵格会信徒。

Although by many measures colonization in New England succeeded, its Puritan leaders failed in their own mission to create a utopian community that would inspire their fellows back in England. They tended to focus their disappointment on the younger generation. “But alas!” Increase Mather lamented, “That so many of the younger Generation have so early corrupted their [the founders’] doings!” The jeremiad, a sermon lamenting the fallen state of New England due to its straying from its early virtuous path, became a staple of late-seventeenth-century Puritan literature.

尽管从许多方面来看，新英格兰的殖民化取得了成功，但其清教徒领导者未能实现创建一个乌托邦社区的目标，以激励他们在英格兰的同胞。他们往往将失望寄托在年轻一代身上。“但唉！”伊克里斯·马瑟感慨道，“这么多年轻一代竟然这么早就腐化了他们的[创始者的]行为！”清教徒文学中的“悲叹”（jeremiad）成为了十七世纪晚期的一个重要主题，这种说教 lamented 新英格兰因偏离早期的美德道路而堕落的状态。

Yet the jeremiad could not stop the effects of prosperity. The population spread and grew more diverse. Many, if not most, New Englanders retained strong ties to their Calvinist roots into the eighteenth century, but the Puritans (who became Congregationalists) struggled against a rising tide of religious pluralism. On December 25, 1727, Judge Samuel Sewell noted in his diary that a new Anglican minister “keeps the day in his new Church at Braintrey: people flock thither.” Previously forbidden holidays like Christmas were celebrated publicly in church and privately in homes. Puritan divine Cotton Mather discovered on Christmas 1711 that “a number of young people of both sexes, belonging, many of them, to my flock, had . . . a Frolick, a reveling Feast, and a Ball, which discovers their Corruption.”

然而，这种“悲叹”并未能阻止繁荣的影响。人口不断扩张，并变得更加多元化。虽然许多（如果不是大多数）新英格兰人到十八世纪仍然与他们的加尔文主义根源保持着强烈的联系，但清教徒（后来成为公理派）却在对抗日益增长的宗教多元化浪潮中苦苦挣扎。1727年12月25日，法官塞缪尔·苏厄尔在日记中记录道，一位新的圣公会牧师“在他的布兰特里新教堂里庆祝这个节日：人们蜂拥而至。”以前被禁止的节日如圣诞节开始在教堂和家庭中公开庆祝。清教徒神职人员棉花·马瑟在1711年圣诞节发现，“一些属于我的教区的年轻男女……举办了一个聚会，狂欢的宴会和舞会，显示出他们的堕落。”

Despite the lamentations of the Mathers and other Puritan leaders of their failure, they left an enduring mark on New England culture and society that endured long after the region’s residents ceased to be called “Puritan.”

尽管马瑟一家和其他清教徒领导人对他们的失败感到遗憾，但他们在新英格兰文化和社会上留下了持久的印记，这种影响在该地区的居民不再被称为“清教徒”之后仍然持续存在。

VII. Conclusion

七、结论

The fledgling settlements in Virginia and Massachusetts paled in importance when compared to the sugar colonies of the Caribbean. Valued more as marginal investments and social safety valves where the poor could be released, these colonies nonetheless created a foothold for Britain on a vast North American continent. And although the seventeenth century would be fraught for Britain—religious, social, and political upheavals would behead one king and force another to flee his throne—settlers in Massachusetts and Virginia were nonetheless tied together by the emerging Atlantic economy. While commodities such as tobacco and sugar fueled new markets in Europe, the economy grew increasingly dependent on slave labor. Enslaved Africans transported across the Atlantic would further complicate the collision of cultures in the Americas. The creation and maintenance of a slave system would spark new understandings of human difference and new modes of social control. The economic exchanges of the new Atlantic economy would not only generate great wealth and exploitation, they would also lead to new cultural systems and new identities for the inhabitants of at least four continents.

与加勒比的糖殖民地相比，弗吉尼亚和马萨诸塞的初创定居点显得微不足道。这些殖民地更多地被视为边缘投资和社会安全阀，旨在为贫困人口提供出路，然而，它们仍为英国在辽阔的北美大陆上建立了立足点。尽管十七世纪对英国而言是动荡不安的——宗教、社会和政治的动乱导致一位国王被斩首，另一位国王逃离了王位——但马萨诸塞和弗吉尼亚的定居者仍然因新兴的跨大西洋经济而紧密相连。当烟草和糖等商品在欧洲市场上激发新的需求时，经济对奴隶劳动的依赖也日益加深。被运输到大西洋彼岸的非洲奴隶进一步复杂化了美洲文化的碰撞。奴隶制度的创建和维持不仅引发了对人类差异的新理解，也促成了新的社会控制方式。新兴的跨大西洋经济所带来的经济交流，不仅将产生巨大的财富和剥削，还将为至少四大洲的居民带来新的文化体系和身份认同。