第三章 英属北美

Source / 原文：https://www.americanyawp.com/text/03-british-north-america/

I. Introduction

一、引言

Whether they came as servants, enslaved laborers, free farmers, religious refugees, or powerful planters, the men and women of the American colonies created new worlds. Native Americans saw fledgling settlements grow into unstoppable beachheads of vast new populations that increasingly monopolized resources and remade the land into something else entirely. Meanwhile, as colonial societies developed in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, fluid labor arrangements and racial categories solidified into the race-based, chattel slavery that increasingly defined the economy of the British Empire. The North American mainland originally occupied a small and marginal place in that broad empire, as even the output of its most prosperous colonies paled before the tremendous wealth of Caribbean sugar islands. And yet the colonial backwaters on the North American mainland, ignored by many imperial officials, were nevertheless deeply tied into these larger Atlantic networks. A new and increasingly complex Atlantic World connected the continents of Europe, Africa, and the Americas.

无论是作为仆人、被奴役的劳工、自由农民、宗教难民，还是作为有权势的种植园主，这些来到美洲的男男女女在殖民地创建了全新的世界。美洲原住民看到这些初期的定居点逐渐发展，成为势不可挡的人口据点，越来越多地垄断资源，并彻底改变了土地。同时，随着殖民社会在17世纪和18世纪的发展，原本灵活的劳动关系和种族分类逐渐固化，形成了以种族为基础的奴隶制，成为大英帝国经济的核心。尽管北美大陆在这个庞大的帝国中最初只是个微不足道的边缘地带，连最富裕的殖民地的产出都无法与加勒比的糖岛相比，但北美大陆这些被帝国官员忽视的殖民地，依然深深嵌入了大西洋的更大网络之中。一个日益复杂的大西洋世界连接了欧洲、非洲和美洲三大洲。

Events across the ocean continued to influence the lives of American colonists. Civil war, religious conflict, and nation building transformed seventeenth-century Britain and remade societies on both sides of the ocean. At the same time, colonial settlements grew and matured, developing into powerful societies capable of warring against Native Americans and subduing internal upheaval. Patterns and systems established during the colonial era would continue to shape American society for centuries. And none, perhaps, would be as brutal and destructive as the institution of slavery.

大洋彼岸的事件持续影响着美洲殖民者的生活。内战、宗教冲突和国家建设在 17 世纪重塑了英国，并改变了大西洋两岸的社会。与此同时，殖民地定居点不断发展壮大，逐渐形成了强大的社会，能够对抗美洲原住民并平息内部动荡。在殖民时期确立的模式和制度将继续塑造美国社会数百年之久。而其中最为残酷和破坏性的一项制度，或许便是奴隶制。

II. Slavery and the Making of Race

二、奴隶制与种族的形成

After his arrival as a missionary in Charles Town, Carolina, in 1706, Reverend Francis Le Jau quickly grew disillusioned by the horrors of American slavery. He met enslaved Africans ravaged by the Middle Passage, Native Americans traveling south to enslave enemy villages, and colonists terrified of invasions from French Louisiana and Spanish Florida. Slavery and death surrounded him.

1706年，传教士弗朗西斯·勒若抵达卡罗莱纳的查尔斯顿后，迅速对美洲奴隶制的残酷感到幻灭。他见到了因跨大西洋奴隶贸易遭受摧残的被奴役的非洲人，前往南方奴役敌对部落的美洲原住民，以及惧怕来自法属路易斯安那和西属佛罗里达入侵的殖民者。奴隶制和死亡无处不在。

Le Jau’s strongest complaints were reserved for his own countrymen, the English. English traders encouraged wars with Native Americans in order to purchase and enslave captives, and planters justified the use of an enslaved workforce by claiming white servants were “good for nothing at all.” Although the minister thought otherwise and baptized and educated a substantial number of enslaved people, he was unable to overcome enslavers’ fears that Christian baptism would lead to slave emancipation.

勒若对自己同胞的批评最为强烈，特别是英国人。英国商人通过煽动与美洲原住民的战争，购买战俘并将其奴役。而种植园主则辩解道，使用被奴役的劳动力是因为白人仆人“根本没有任何用处”。尽管勒若对此持不同意见，并为大量奴隶施洗和提供教育，但他始终未能克服奴隶主们的恐惧，他们担心基督教的洗礼会导致奴隶获得自由。

The 1660s marked a turning point for Black men and women in English colonies like Virginia in North America and Barbados in the West Indies. New laws gave legal sanction to the enslavement of people of African descent for life. The permanent deprivation of freedom and the separate legal status of enslaved Africans facilitated the maintenance of strict racial barriers. Skin color became more than a superficial difference; it became the marker of a transcendent, all-encompassing division between two distinct peoples, two races, white and Black.

17世纪60年代是北美弗吉尼亚和西印度群岛巴巴多斯等英国殖民地黑人命运的转折点。新的法律正式认可了对非洲裔人终身奴役的合法性。这种永久性的自由剥夺以及被奴役的非洲人所享有的特殊法律地位，为维持严格的种族界限提供了便利。肤色不再只是表面的差异，而成为标志着两大群体——白人和黑人——之间一种超越性的、全方位的分隔线。

All seventeenth-century racial thought did not point directly toward modern classifications of racial hierarchy. Captain Thomas Phillips, master of a slave ship in 1694, did not justify his work with any such creed: “I can’t think there is any intrinsic value in one color more than another, nor that white is better than black, only we think it so because we are so.” For Phillips, the profitability of slavery was the only justification he needed.

并非所有17世纪的种族观念都直接指向现代的种族等级划分。1694年，奴隶船船长托马斯·菲利普斯并没有用任何此类信条为自己的工作辩护：“我并不认为某种肤色比另一种更有内在价值，也不认为白色比黑色更好，只是我们这么认为，因为我们本身就是白人。” 对菲利普斯而言，奴隶贸易的利润就是他唯一需要的理由。

Wars offered the most common means for colonists to acquire enslaved Native Americans. Seventeenth-century European legal thought held that enslaving prisoners of war was not only legal but more merciful than killing the captives outright. After the Pequot War (1636–1637), Massachusetts Bay colonists sold hundreds of Native Americans into slavery in the West Indies. A few years later, Dutch colonists in New Netherland (New York and New Jersey) enslaved Algonquians during both Governor Kieft’s War (1641–1645) and the two Esopus Wars (1659–1663). The Dutch sent these war captives to English-settled Bermuda as well as Curaçao, a Dutch plantation colony in the southern Caribbean. An even larger number of enslaved Native Americans were captured during King Philip’s War (1675–1676), an uprising against the encroachments of the New England colonies. Hundreds of Native Americans were bound and shipped into slavery. The New England colonists also tried to send enslaved Native Americans to Barbados, but the Barbados Assembly refused to import them for fear they would encourage rebellion.

战争是殖民者获取被奴役美洲原住民的最常见方式。17世纪的欧洲法律思想认为，奴役战俘不仅合法，而且比直接处决俘虏更为仁慈。在皮夸特战争（1636-1637）之后，马萨诸塞湾殖民者将数百名美洲原住民贩卖到西印度群岛为奴。几年后，在基夫特战争（1641-1645）和两次艾苏普斯战争（1659-1663）期间，荷兰人在新尼德兰（现今纽约和新泽西）也奴役了阿尔冈琴人，并将这些战俘送往英属百慕大和荷属库拉索，一个位于加勒比南部的种植园殖民地。在国王菲利普战争（1675-1676）期间，更多的美洲原住民被俘虏并沦为奴隶，这场战争是对新英格兰殖民地扩张的起义。成百上千的美洲原住民被捆绑并运往奴隶市场。新英格兰的殖民者也曾尝试将这些奴隶运往巴巴多斯，但巴巴多斯议会拒绝进口他们，担心他们会引发叛乱。

In the eighteenth century, wars in Florida, South Carolina, and the Mississippi Valley produced even more enslaved Native Americans. Some wars emerged from contests between Native Americans and colonists for land, while others were manufactured as pretenses for acquiring captives. Some were not wars at all but merely illegal raids performed by slave traders. Historians estimate that between 24,000 and 51,000 Native Americans were forced into slavery throughout the southern colonies between 1670 and 1715. While some of the enslaved Native Americans remained in the region, many were exported through Charles Town, South Carolina, to other ports in the British Atlantic—most likely to Barbados, Jamaica, and Bermuda. Many of the English colonists who wished to claim land in frontier territories were threatened by the violence inherent in the Native American slave trade. By the eighteenth century, colonial governments often discouraged the practice, although it never ceased entirely as long as slavery was, in general, a legal institution.

在18世纪，佛罗里达州、南卡罗来纳州和密西西比河谷的战争导致更多的美洲原住民被奴役。这些战争有的源于美洲原住民与殖民者之间为土地而进行的争夺，有的则是为了获取俘虏而制造的借口。有些战争根本不是战争，而只是奴隶贩子的非法袭击。历史学家估计，从1670年到1715年，南方殖民地有24,000到51,000名美洲原住民被强迫奴役。虽然一些被奴役的美洲原住民留在了该地区，但许多人通过南卡罗来纳州的查尔斯顿港口被出口到大英大西洋的其他港口，最有可能的去处是巴巴多斯、牙买加和百慕大。许多希望在边境地区争夺土地的英殖民者，面临着美洲原住民奴隶贸易中固有的暴力威胁。到18世纪，殖民政府通常会劝阻这一做法，尽管只要奴隶制作为一种法律制度存在，这种做法就从未完全停止过。

Enslaved Native Americans died quickly, mostly from disease, but others were murdered or died from starvation. The demands of growing plantation economies required a more reliable labor force, and the transatlantic slave trade provided such a workforce. European slavers transported millions of Africans across the ocean in a terrifying journey known as the Middle Passage. Writing at the end of the eighteenth century, Olaudah Equiano recalled the fearsomeness of the crew, the filth and gloom of the hold, the inadequate provisions allotted for the captives, and the desperation that drove some enslaved people to suicide. (Equiano claimed to have been born in Igboland in modern-day Nigeria, but he may have been born in colonial South Carolina, where he collected memories of the Middle Passage from African-born enslaved people.) In the same time period, Alexander Falconbridge, a slave ship surgeon, described the sufferings of enslaved Africans from shipboard infections and close quarters in the hold. Dysentery, known as “the bloody flux,” left captives lying in pools of excrement. Chained in small spaces in the hold, enslaved people could lose so much skin and flesh from chafing against metal and timber that their bones protruded. Other sources detailed rapes, whippings, and diseases like smallpox and conjunctivitis aboard slave ships.

被奴役的美洲原住民很快就死去，主要是由于疾病，也有一些人被杀害或因饥饿而亡。随着种植园经济的不断发展，对劳动力的需求更加迫切，因此大西洋奴隶贸易提供了这种劳动力。欧洲奴隶贩子在一种可怕的旅程中将数百万非洲人跨越海洋，这段旅程被称为“中途通道”。18世纪末，奥劳达·艾奎亚诺回忆起船员的可怕、货舱的肮脏与阴暗、给俘虏分配的不足的食物以及绝望的境地，驱使一些被奴役的人选择自杀。（艾奎亚诺声称自己出生于如今的尼日利亚伊博地区，但他也可能出生于南卡罗来纳殖民地，那里他从非洲出生的被奴役者那里收集了有关中途通道的记忆。）在同一时期，奴隶船外科医生亚历山大·法尔肯布里奇描述了被奴役的非洲人在船上因感染和狭小空间而遭受的痛苦。腹泻（被称为“血性流感”）让俘虏躺在粪便的水池中。被锁链锁住，挤在货舱的小空间里，被奴役的人因与金属和木材摩擦而失去大量的皮肤和肉，甚至露出了骨头。其他来源详细描述了奴隶船上的强奸、鞭打以及天花和结膜炎等疾病。

“Middle” had various meanings in the Atlantic slave trade. For the captains and crews of slave ships, the Middle Passage was one leg in the maritime trade in sugar and other semifinished American goods, manufactured European commodities, and enslaved Africans. For the enslaved Africans, the Middle Passage was the middle leg of three distinct journeys from Africa to the Americas. First was an overland journey in Africa to a coastal slave-trading factory, often a trek of hundreds of miles. Second—and middle—was an oceanic trip lasting from one to six months in a slaver. Third was acculturation (known as “seasoning”) and transportation to the American mine, plantation, or other location where enslaved people were forced to labor.

在大西洋奴隶贸易中，“中途”的含义各有不同。对于奴隶船的船长和船员来说，中途通道是大宗商品贸易中一段重要航程，这些商品包括糖和其他半成品美洲货物、制造的欧洲商品以及被奴役的非洲人。对于被奴役的非洲人来说，中途通道则是从非洲到美洲的三段旅程中的第二段。第一段是在非洲的陆地上前往沿海的奴隶交易厂，这通常是一次数百英里的艰难跋涉。第二段也是中间这一段，是在奴隶船上进行的海洋旅行，持续时间从一个月到六个月不等。第三段则是适应新环境（称为“调养”）和被运输到美洲的矿区、种植园或其他被迫工作的地点。

The impact of the Middle Passage on the cultures of the Americas remains evident today. Many foods associated with Africans, such as cassava, were originally imported to West Africa as part of the slave trade and were then adopted by African cooks before being brought to the Americas, where they are still consumed. West African rhythms and melodies live in new forms today in music as varied as religious spirituals and synthesized drumbeats. African influences appear in the basket making and language of the Gullah people on the Carolina coastal islands.

“中途通道”对美洲文化的影响至今依然显而易见。许多与非洲人相关的食物，如木薯，最初作为奴隶贸易的一部分从西非进口，随后被非洲厨师采用，并带到美洲，至今仍在食用。西非的节奏和旋律在今天的音乐中以各种形式存在，从宗教灵歌到合成打击乐器的节拍都有体现。非洲的影响在卡罗莱纳海岸岛屿的古拉人（Gullah）编织篮子和语言中也有所体现。

Recent estimates count between eleven and twelve million Africans forced across the Atlantic between the sixteenth and nineteenth centuries, with about two million deaths at sea as well as an additional several million dying in the trade’s overland African leg or during seasoning. Conditions in all three legs of the slave trade were horrible, but the first abolitionists focused especially on the abuses of the Middle Passage.

最近的估算显示，从十六世纪到十九世纪，约有一千一百万到一千二百万非洲人被迫穿越大西洋，其中约有两百万人在海上遇难，另外还有几百万人在奴隶贸易的非洲陆路阶段或在“适应”过程中死亡。奴隶贸易的三个阶段条件都十分恶劣，但最早的废奴主义者尤其关注“中途通道”中的虐待现象。

Southern European trading empires like the Catalans and Aragonese were brought into contact with a Levantine commerce in sugar and enslaved laborers in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Europeans made the first steps toward an Atlantic slave trade in the 1440s when Portuguese sailors landed in West Africa in search of gold, spices, and allies against the Muslims who dominated Mediterranean trade. Beginning in the 1440s, ship captains carried enslaved Africans to Portugal. These Africans were valued primarily as domestic servants, as peasants provided the primary agricultural labor force in Western Europe. European expansion into the Americas introduced both settlers and European authorities to a new situation—an abundance of land and a scarcity of labor. Portuguese, Dutch, and English ships became the conduits for Africans forced to America. The western coast of Africa, the Gulf of Guinea, and the west-central coast were the sources of African captives. Wars of expansion and raiding parties produced captives who could be sold in coastal factories. African slave traders bartered for European finished goods such as beads, cloth, rum, firearms, and metal wares.

十四世纪和十五世纪，南欧的贸易帝国如加泰罗尼亚和阿拉贡人开始接触到来自黎凡特的糖和奴隶劳动力的贸易。欧洲人在1440年代迈出了大西洋奴隶贸易的第一步，葡萄牙水手在寻找黄金、香料和抵御占据地中海贸易的穆斯林的盟友时，抵达了西非。从1440年代开始，船长们将被奴役的非洲人运送到葡萄牙。这些非洲人主要被视为家庭佣工，而农民则是西欧主要的农业劳动力。欧洲向美洲的扩张使定居者和欧洲当局面临新的局面——土地丰富而劳动力短缺。葡萄牙、荷兰和英国的船只成为被迫前往美洲的非洲人的运输通道。非洲的西海岸、几内亚湾以及西中海岸是非洲奴隶的来源。扩张战争和袭击队伍产生了可以在沿海工厂出售的俘虏。非洲奴隶贩子以珠子、布料、朗姆酒、火器和金属制品等欧洲成品进行交换。

Slavers often landed in the British West Indies, where enslaved laborers were seasoned in places like Barbados. Charleston, South Carolina, became the leading entry point for the slave trade on the mainland. The founding of Charleston (“Charles Town” until the 1780s) in 1670 was viewed as a serious threat by the Spanish in neighboring Florida, who began construction of Castillo de San Marcos in St. Augustine as a response. In 1693 the Spanish king issued the Decree of Sanctuary, which granted freedom to enslaved people fleeing the English colonies if they converted to Catholicism and swore an oath of loyalty to Spain. The presence of Africans who bore arms and served in the Spanish militia testifies to the different conceptions of race among the English and Spanish in America.

奴隶贩子通常在英国西印度群岛登陆，在巴巴多斯等地对被奴役的劳动力进行“调养”。南卡罗来纳州的查尔斯顿成为美洲大陆奴隶贸易的主要入境点。1670年查尔斯顿（在1780年代之前被称为“查尔斯镇”）的建立被西邻佛罗里达的西班牙人视为严重威胁，因此他们开始在圣奥古斯丁建造圣马尔科斯城堡作为回应。1693年，西班牙国王颁布了“庇护法令”，该法令规定，如果被奴役的人逃离英国殖民地并皈依天主教，宣誓效忠西班牙，就可以获得自由。西班牙军队中有非洲人武装参与的事实证明了英国人和西班牙人在美洲对种族的不同看法。

About 450,000 Africans landed in British North America, a relatively small portion of the eleven to twelve million victims of the trade. As a proportion of the enslaved population, there were more enslaved women in North America than in other colonial enslaved populations. Enslaved African women also bore more children than their counterparts in the Caribbean or South America, facilitating the natural reproduction of enslaved people on the North American continent. A 1662 Virginia law stated that an enslaved woman’s children inherited the “condition” of their mother; other colonies soon passed similar statutes. This economic strategy on the part of planters created a legal system in which all children born to enslaved women would be enslaved for life, whether the father was white or Black, enslaved or free.

大约有45万名非洲人抵达英国北美，这一数字在1100万至1200万名奴隶贸易受害者中占比较小。9 在被奴役人口中，北美的被奴役女性比例高于其他殖民地的奴隶人口。北美的被奴役非洲女性也比加勒比海或南美的同类女性生育更多的孩子，这促进了北美大陆被奴役人口的自然繁殖。10 1662年，弗吉尼亚州的一项法律规定，被奴役女性的孩子继承其母亲的“身份”；其他殖民地随后也通过了类似的法规。11 这种种植者的经济策略创造了一种法律体系，使所有出生于被奴役女性的孩子，无论父亲是白人还是黑人，是被奴役者还是自由人，都将终身被奴役。

Most fundamentally, the emergence of modern notions of race was closely related to the colonization of the Americas and the slave trade. African slave traders lacked a firm category of race that might have led them to think that they were selling their own people, in much the same way that Native Americans did not view other Indigenous groups as part of the same “race.” Similarly, most English citizens felt no racial identification with the Irish or the even the Welsh. The modern idea of race as an inherited physical difference (most often skin color) that is used to support systems of oppression was new in the early modern Atlantic world.

现代种族观念的出现与美洲的殖民化和奴隶贸易密切相关。非洲奴隶贩子并没有一个明确的种族分类，因此他们不会认为自己是在出卖自己的同胞，正如美洲土著人并不将其他土著群体视为同一“种族”。同样，大多数英国公民对爱尔兰人甚至威尔士人也没有种族认同感。在早期现代的大西洋世界中，现代种族观念作为一种被用于支持压迫体系的遗传性身体差异（通常是肤色）是全新的。

In the early years of slavery, especially in the South, the distinction between indentured servants and enslaved people was initially unclear. In 1643, however, a law was passed in Virginia that made African women “tithable.”¹² This, in effect, associated African women’s work with difficult agricultural labor. There was no similar tax levied on white women; the law was an attempt to distinguish white women from African women. The English ideal was to have enough hired hands and servants working on a farm so that wives and daughters did not have to partake in manual labor. Instead, white women were expected to labor in dairy sheds, small gardens, and kitchens. Of course, because of the labor shortage in early America, white women did participate in field labor. But this idealized gendered division of labor contributed to the English conceiving of themselves as better than other groups who did not divide labor in this fashion, including the West Africans arriving in slave ships to the colonies. For many white colonists, the association of a gendered division of labor with Englishness provided a further justification for the enslavement and subordination of Africans.

在奴隶制的早期，特别是在南方，契约奴隶和被奴役者之间的区别起初并不明显。然而，1643年，弗吉尼亚州通过了一项法律，使非洲女性成为“应纳税人”。实际上，这项法律将非洲女性的工作与艰苦的农业劳动联系在一起。对白人女性并没有征收类似的税，这项法律旨在区分白人女性与非洲女性。英国的理想是雇佣足够的劳动力和仆人，这样妻子和女儿就不必参与体力劳动。相反，白人女性通常被期待在奶牛棚、小花园和厨房工作。当然，由于早期美洲的劳动力短缺，白人女性确实参与了田间劳动。但这种理想化的性别分工使得英国人认为自己优于那些没有这样分工的其他群体，包括乘坐奴隶船抵达殖民地的西非人。对于许多白人殖民者来说，性别分工与英国家庭生活的联系进一步为奴役和压迫非洲人提供了正当理由。

Ideas about the rule of the household were informed by legal and customary understandings of marriage and the home in England. A man was expected to hold “paternal dominion” over his household, which included his wife, children, servants, and enslaved laborers. In contrast, enslaved people were not legally masters of a household and were therefore subject to the authority of the white enslaver. Marriages between enslaved people were not recognized in colonial law. Some enslaved men and women married “abroad”; that is, they married individuals who were not owned by the same enslaver and did not live on the same plantation. These husbands and wives had to travel miles at a time, typically only once a week on Sundays, to visit their spouses. Legal or religious authority did not protect these marriages, and enslavers could refuse to let their enslaved laborers visit a spouse, or even sell an enslaved person to a new enslaver hundreds of miles away from their spouse and children. Within the patriarchal and exploitative colonial environment, enslaved men and women struggled to establish families and communities.

关于家庭统治的观念受到英国法律和习俗对婚姻及家庭的理解的影响。男性被期望对家庭拥有“父权统治”，家庭包括他的妻子、孩子、仆人和被奴役的劳工。相比之下，被奴役者并不被法律承认为家庭的主人，因此他们必须服从白人奴隶主的权威。在殖民地法律中，被奴役者之间的婚姻并不被承认。有些被奴役的男性和女性选择“异地婚”，即与不属于同一奴隶主、也不住在同一庄园的人结婚。这些夫妻通常需要走几英里，通常在每周日才有机会见面。法律或宗教权威并不能保护这些婚姻，奴隶主可以拒绝让他们的被奴役劳工探望配偶，甚至可以将被奴役者出售给离他们的配偶和孩子数百英里的新奴隶主。在这种父权和剥削的殖民环境中，被奴役的男性和女性努力建立家庭和社区。

III. Turmoil in Britain

三、英国内部的动荡

Religious conflict plagued sixteenth-century England. While Spain plundered the New World and built an empire, Catholic and Protestant English monarchs vied for supremacy and attacked their opponents as heretics. Queen Elizabeth cemented Protestantism as the official religion of the realm, but questions endured as to what kind of Protestantism would hold sway. Many radical Protestants (often called “Puritans” by their critics) looked to the New World as an opportunity to create a beacon of Calvinist Christianity, while others continued the struggle in England. By the 1640s, political and economic conflicts between Parliament and the Crown merged with long-simmering religious tensions, made worse by a king who seemed sympathetic to Catholicism. The result was a bloody civil war. Colonists reacted in a variety of ways as England waged war on itself, but all were affected by these decades of turmoil.

十六世纪的英格兰饱受宗教冲突的困扰。西班牙在新世界掠夺并建立帝国，而天主教和新教的英格兰君主们则争夺霸权，互相指责对方为异教徒。伊丽莎白女王巩固了新教作为国家的官方宗教，但关于哪种新教会占据主导地位的问题仍然存在。许多激进的新教徒（常常被批评者称为“清教徒”）将新世界视为创建加尔文主义基督教灯塔的机会，而另一些人则在英格兰继续进行斗争。到1640年代，议会与王权之间的政治和经济冲突与长期存在的宗教紧张局势交织在一起，局势因国王似乎对天主教的同情而愈加恶化，最终导致了一场血腥的内战。在英格兰自我撕裂的战争中，殖民者以各种方式作出反应，但所有人都受到这些动荡年代的影响。

Between 1629 and 1640 the absolute rule of Charles I caused considerable friction between the English Parliament and the king. Conflict erupted in 1640 when a Parliament called by Charles refused to grant him subsidies to suppress a rebellion in Scotland. The Irish rebelled the following year, and by 1642 strained relations between Charles and Parliament led to civil war in England. In 1649 Parliament won, Charles I was executed, and England became a republic and protectorate under Oliver Cromwell. These changes redefined England’s relationship with its American colonies, as the new government under Cromwell attempted to consolidate its hold over its overseas territories.

在1629年至1640年间，查理一世的专制统治在英格兰议会与国王之间造成了相当大的摩擦。1640年，查理召集的议会拒绝向他提供资金以镇压苏格兰的叛乱，冲突由此爆发。次年，爱尔兰发生叛乱，而到1642年，查理与议会之间紧张的关系导致英格兰爆发内战。1649年，议会获胜，查理一世被处决，英格兰成为奥利弗·克伦威尔领导下的共和国和保护国。这些变化重新定义了英格兰与其美洲殖民地之间的关系，新政府在克伦威尔的领导下试图巩固对海外领土的控制。

In 1642, no permanent British North American colony was more than thirty-five years old. The Crown and various proprietors controlled most of the colonies, but settlers from Barbados to Maine enjoyed a great deal of independence. This was especially true in Massachusetts Bay, where Puritan settlers governed themselves according to the colony’s 1629 charter. Trade in tobacco and naval stores tied the colonies to England economically, as did religion and political culture, but in general the English government left the colonies to their own devices.

到1642年，没有一个英国北美的永久殖民地建立超过三十五年。大部分殖民地受到王室和各个地主的控制，但从巴巴多斯到缅因州的移民享有相当大的独立性。这在马萨诸塞湾尤为明显，清教徒移民依据该殖民地1629年的特许状自我治理。烟草和海军用品的贸易将这些殖民地与英格兰经济上紧密相连，宗教和政治文化也同样如此，但总体上，英政府将这些殖民地自主发展。

The English Revolution of the 1640s forced settlers in America to reconsider their place within the empire. Older colonies like Virginia and proprietary colonies like Maryland sympathized with the Crown. Newer colonies like Massachusetts Bay, populated by religious dissenters taking part in the Great Migration of the 1630s, tended to favor Parliament. Yet during the war the colonies remained neutral, fearing that support for either side could involve them in war. Even Massachusetts Bay, which nurtured ties to radical Protestants in Parliament, remained neutral.

1640年代的英格兰革命迫使美洲的定居者重新思考他们在帝国中的地位。弗吉尼亚等较早的殖民地以及马里兰等专属殖民地对王室表示同情，而马萨诸塞湾等较新的殖民地则倾向于支持议会，因为这些地方是参与1630年代大迁徙的宗教异议者的聚集地。然而，在战争期间，殖民地保持中立，担心支持任何一方可能使他们卷入战争。即使是与议会中激进新教徒关系密切的马萨诸塞湾，也保持了中立。

Charles’s execution in 1649 challenged American neutrality. Six colonies, including Virginia and Barbados, declared allegiance to the dead monarch’s son, Charles II. Parliament responded with an act in 1650 that leveled an economic embargo on the rebelling colonies, forcing them to accept Parliament’s authority. Parliament argued that America had been “planted at the Cost, and settled” by the English nation, and that it, as the embodiment of that commonwealth, possessed ultimate jurisdiction over the colonies. It followed up the embargo with the Navigation Act of 1651, which compelled merchants in every colony to ship goods directly to England in English ships. Parliament sought to bind the colonies more closely to England and prevent other European nations, especially the Dutch, from interfering with its American possessions.

查理一世于1649年的处决挑战了美洲的中立状态。包括弗吉尼亚和巴巴多斯在内的六个殖民地宣布效忠于已故国王的儿子查理二世。对此，议会在1650年通过了一项法律，对叛乱的殖民地实施经济禁运，迫使它们接受议会的权威。议会辩称，美洲是“以英国国家的成本和定居”而建立的，而它作为这一共同体的体现，拥有对殖民地的最终管辖权。随后，议会还实施了1651年的《航海法》，该法强制每个殖民地的商人必须通过英船直接向英格兰运送货物。议会试图更紧密地将殖民地与英格兰绑在一起，并防止其他欧洲国家，尤其是荷兰干预其在美洲的领土。

The monarchy was restored with Charles II, but popular suspicions of the Crown’s Catholic and French sympathies lingered. Charles II’s suppression of the religious and press freedoms that flourished during the civil war years demonstrated the Crown’s desire to reimpose order and royal rule. But it was the openly Catholic and pro-French policies of his successor, James II, that once again led to the overthrow of the monarchy in 1688. In that year a group of bishops and Parliamentarians offered the English throne to the Dutch Prince William of Holland and his English bride, Mary, the daughter of James II. This coup was called the Glorious Revolution and was accomplished with little bloodshed in England, but considerable warfare in Ireland.

君主制在查理二世的统治下恢复，但公众对王权的天主教和法国倾向的怀疑依然存在。查理二世对在内战期间蓬勃发展的宗教和新闻自由的压制，展示了王室重新实施秩序和皇家统治的愿望。然而，继任者詹姆斯二世公开的天主教和亲法政策再次导致了1688年君主制的推翻。在这一年，一群主教和议会成员向荷兰王子威廉及其英格兰妻子玛丽（詹姆斯二世的女儿）提供了英王的王位。这次政变被称为光荣革命，虽然在英格兰几乎没有流血，但在爱尔兰却爆发了相当大的战争。

In the decades before the Glorious Revolution, English colonists experienced religious and political conflict that reflected transformations in Europe as well as distinctly colonial conditions. In the 1670s and early 1680s, King Charles II tightened English control over North America and the West Indies through the creation of new colonies, the imposition of new Navigation Acts, and the establishment of a new executive council called the Lords of Trade and Plantations. As imperial officials attempted to curb colonists’ autonomy, threats from Native Americans and New France on the continent led many colonists to believe that Native Americans and Catholics sought to destroy English America. In New England an uprising beginning in 1675 led by the Wampanoag leader Metacom, or King Philip as the English called him, seemed to confirm these fears. Conflicts with Native Americans helped trigger the revolt against royal authorities known as Bacon’s Rebellion in Virginia the following year.

在光荣革命之前的几十年中，英格兰殖民者经历了反映欧洲变革以及明显殖民条件的宗教和政治冲突。在1670年代和1680年代初，查理二世通过创建新殖民地、实施新《航海法》和建立一个新的行政委员会（贸易与种植地上议会）来加强对北美和西印度群岛的控制。当帝国官员试图遏制殖民者的自治权时，来自美洲土著和新法兰西的威胁使许多殖民者相信，土著和天主教徒试图摧毁英美殖民地。在新英格兰，由温帕诺亚格首领梅塔孔（英人称为菲利普王）发起的1675年的叛乱似乎证实了这些担忧。与土著的冲突帮助引发了次年在弗吉尼亚对王权当局的反叛，称为贝肯叛乱。

James II worked to place the colonies on firmer administrative and defensive footing by creating the Dominion of New England in 1686. The Dominion consolidated the New England colonies, New York, and New Jersey into one administrative unit to counter French Canada, but colonists strongly resented the loss of their individual provinces. The Dominion’s governor, Sir Edmund Andros, did little to assuage fears of arbitrary power when he forced colonists into military service for a campaign against Native Americans in Maine in early 1687. Impressment into military service was a long-standing grievance among English commoners that was transplanted to the colonies.

詹姆斯二世致力于通过在1686年创建新英格兰公国来为殖民地奠定更稳固的行政和防御基础。该公国将新英格兰殖民地、纽约和新泽西合并为一个行政单位，以抵抗法属加拿大，但殖民者强烈反感失去各自省份的情况。公国的总督爱德蒙·安德罗斯在1687年初强迫殖民者参加针对缅因州土著的军事行动时，并未缓解人们对专断权力的担忧。强制征兵一直是英国家庭的长期不满，并被移植到了殖民地。

In England, James’s push for religious toleration of Catholics and dissenters brought him into conflict with Parliament and the Anglican establishment in England. After the 1688 invasion by the Protestant William of Orange, James fled to France. When colonists learned imperial officials in Boston and New York City attempted to keep news of the Glorious Revolution secret, simmering hostilities toward provincial leaders burst into the open. In Massachusetts, New York, and Maryland, colonists overthrew colonial governments as local social antagonisms fused with popular animosity toward imperial rule. Colonists in America quickly declared allegiance to the new monarchs. They did so in part to maintain order in their respective colonies. As one Virginia official explained, if there was “no King in England, there was no Government here.” A declaration of allegiance was therefore a means toward stability.

在英格兰，詹姆斯推动对天主教徒和异议者的宗教宽容，这使他与议会及英格兰的圣公会建立产生了冲突。1688年，随着新教徒威廉·奥兰治的入侵，詹姆斯逃往法国。当殖民者得知波士顿和纽约的帝国官员试图对光荣革命的消息保持秘密时，潜在的对省级领导人的敌意爆发。在马萨诸塞州、纽约和马里兰，殖民者推翻了殖民政府，因为地方社会矛盾与对帝国统治的普遍敌意结合在一起。美国的殖民者迅速宣誓效忠新君主。他们这样做部分是为了维护各自殖民地的秩序。正如一位弗吉尼亚州官员所解释的，如果“英格兰没有国王，那么这里就没有政府”。

More importantly, colonists declared for William and Mary because they believed that their ascension marked the rejection of absolutism and confirmed the centrality of Protestantism and liberty in English life. Settlers joined in the revolution by overthrowing the Dominion government, restoring the provinces to their previous status, and forcing out the Catholic-dominated Maryland government. They launched several assaults against French Canada as part of King William’s War and rejoiced in Parliament’s 1689 passage of a Bill of Rights, which curtailed the power of the monarchy and cemented Protestantism in England. For English colonists, it was indeed a “glorious” revolution as it united them in a Protestant empire that stood counter to Catholic tyranny, absolutism, and French power.

更重要的是，殖民者支持威廉和玛丽，因为他们相信他们的登基标志着对专制主义的拒绝，并确认了新教和自由在英国生活中的中心地位。定居者通过推翻公国政府、恢复各省原有地位，并驱逐天主教主导的马里兰政府来加入革命。他们还在威廉国王战争期间对法属加拿大发起多次攻击，并对1689年议会通过《权利法案》欢欣鼓舞，该法案限制了君主的权力并巩固了新教在英格兰的地位。对英格兰殖民者而言，这确实是一场“光荣”的革命，因为它将他们团结在一个反对天主教暴政、专制主义和法国势力的基督教帝国中。

IV. New Colonies

四、新殖民地

Despite the turmoil in Britain, colonial settlement grew considerably throughout the seventeenth century, and several new settlements joined the two original colonies of Virginia and Massachusetts.

尽管英国经历了动荡，殖民地的定居在十七世纪显著增长，多个新定居点加入了最初的弗吉尼亚州和马萨诸塞州这两个殖民地。

In 1632, Charles I set a tract of about 12 million acres of land at the northern tip of the Chesapeake Bay aside for a second colony in America. Named for the new monarch’s queen, Maryland was granted to Charles’s friend and political ally, Cecilius Calvert, the second Lord Baltimore. Calvert hoped to gain additional wealth from the colony, as well as to create a haven for fellow Catholics. In England, many of that faith found themselves harassed by the Protestant majority and more than a few considered migrating to America. Charles I, a Catholic sympathizer, was in favor of Lord Baltimore’s plan to create a colony that would demonstrate that Catholics and Protestants could live together peacefully.

1632年，查理一世为在切萨皮克湾北端建立第二个殖民地划定了一块约1200万英亩的土地。这个殖民地以新君主的王后命名为马里兰州，授予了查理的朋友和政治盟友塞西lius·卡尔弗特，第二任巴尔的摩勋爵。卡尔弗特希望通过这个殖民地获得更多财富，并为同胞天主教徒创造一个避风港。在英格兰，许多信奉天主教的人遭受新教多数派的骚扰，许多人考虑移民到美洲。查理一世作为一名天主教同情者，支持巴尔的摩勋爵创建一个示范天主教徒与新教徒能够和平共处的殖民地的计划。

In late 1633, both Protestant and Catholic settlers left England for the Chesapeake, arriving in Maryland in March 1634. Men of middling means found greater opportunities in Maryland, which prospered as a tobacco colony without the growing pains suffered by Virginia.

在1633年末，天主教徒和新教徒定居者一起离开英格兰，于1634年3月抵达马里兰。中等收入的男性在马里兰找到了更多机会，这里作为一个烟草殖民地繁荣发展，没有经历弗吉尼亚州所遭受的成长烦恼。

Unfortunately, Lord Baltimore’s hopes of a diverse Christian colony were thwarted. Most colonists were Protestants relocating from Virginia. Many of these Protestants were radical Quakers and Puritans who were frustrated with Virginia’s efforts to force adherence to the Anglican Church, also known as the Church of England. In 1650, Puritans revolted, setting up a new government that prohibited both Catholicism and Anglicanism. Governor William Stone attempted to put down the revolt in 1655 but was not successful until 1658. Two years after the Glorious Revolution (1688–1689), the Calverts lost control of Maryland and the province became a royal colony.

不幸的是，巴尔的摩勋爵对多元基督教殖民地的期望受到阻碍。大多数殖民者是从弗吉尼亚州迁移来的新教徒。这些新教徒中很多是激进的贵格会徒和清教徒，他们对弗吉尼亚州强迫遵循圣公会（即英格兰教会）的做法感到沮丧。1650年，清教徒起义，建立了一个新的政府，禁止天主教和圣公会。威廉·斯通州长在1655年试图镇压这场叛乱，但直到1658年才成功。在光荣革命（1688-1689）两年后，卡尔弗特家族失去了对马里兰州的控制，该省成为了一个皇家殖民地。

Religion was a motivating factor in the creation of several other colonies as well, including the New England colonies of Connecticut and Rhode Island. The settlements that would eventually compose Connecticut grew out of settlements in Saybrook and New Haven. Thomas Hooker and his congregation left Massachusetts for Connecticut because the area around Boston was becoming increasingly crowded. The Connecticut River Valley was large enough for more cattle and agriculture. In June 1636, Hooker led one hundred people and a variety of livestock in settling an area they called Newtown (later Hartford).

宗教在几个其他殖民地的创建中也是一个激励因素，包括新英格兰的康涅狄格州和罗德岛。最终组成康涅狄格州的定居点源自于赛布鲁克和纽黑文的定居点。托马斯·胡克和他的教会因为波士顿周围地区变得越来越拥挤而离开马萨诸塞州，前往康涅狄格州。康涅狄格河谷足够大，能够容纳更多的牲畜和农业生产。1636年6月，胡克带领一百人和各种家畜在他们称之为“新城”（后来称为哈特福德）的地区定居。

New Haven Colony had a more directly religious origin, as the founders attempted a new experiment in Puritanism. In 1638, John Davenport, Theophilus Eaton, and other supporters of the Puritan faith settled in the Quinnipiac River Valley (New Haven) area of Connecticut. In 1643 New Haven Colony was officially organized, with Eaton named governor. In the early 1660s, three men who had signed the death warrant for Charles I were concealed in New Haven. This did not win the colony any favors, and it became increasingly poorer and weaker. In 1665, New Haven was absorbed into Connecticut, but its singular religious tradition endured with the creation of Yale College.

纽黑文殖民地的创建有着更直接的宗教背景，创始人们试图进行一种新的清教徒实验。1638年，约翰·达文波特、西奥菲勒斯·伊顿和其他支持清教徒信仰的人在康涅狄格的奎尼皮亚克河谷（纽黑文）地区定居。1643年，纽黑文殖民地正式成立，伊顿被任命为州长。在1660年代初，三名签署查理一世死刑令的人藏匿在纽黑文，这并没有为该殖民地赢得好处，反而使其日益贫困和衰弱。1665年，纽黑文被并入康涅狄格州，但其独特的宗教传统通过耶鲁大学的创建得以延续。

Religious radicals similarly founded Rhode Island. After his exile from Massachusetts, Roger Williams created a settlement called Providence in 1636. He negotiated for the land with the local Narragansett sachems Canonicus and Miantonomi. Williams and his fellow settlers agreed on an egalitarian constitution and established religious and political freedom in the colony. The following year, another Massachusetts exile, Anne Hutchinson, and her followers settled near Providence. Others soon arrived, and the colony was granted a charter by Parliament in 1644. Persistently independent and with republican sympathies, the settlers refused a governor and instead elected a president and council. These separate communities passed laws abolishing witchcraft trials, imprisonment for debt and, in 1652, chattel slavery. Because of the colony’s policy of toleration, it became a haven for Quakers, Jews, and other persecuted religious groups. In 1663, Charles II granted the colony a royal charter establishing the colony of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations.

宗教激进分子同样创立了罗德岛。在被逐出马萨诸塞州后，罗杰·威廉姆斯于1636年创建了一个名为普罗维登斯的定居点。他与当地的纳拉甘西特酋长卡农尼库斯和米安托诺米谈判获得土地。威廉姆斯和他的定居者们达成了一个平等的宪法，并在该殖民地建立了宗教和政治自由。次年，另一位被逐出马萨诸塞州的安妮·哈钦森和她的追随者们在普罗维登斯附近定居。其他人很快也到达该地区，该殖民地于1644年获得了议会的特许。定居者们坚持独立，持有共和派倾向，拒绝设立总督，而是选举了一位总统和一个委员会。这些独立的社区通过了废除女巫审判、债务监禁和在1652年废除人身奴役的法律。由于该殖民地的宽容政策，它成为了贵格会徒、犹太人和其他被迫害宗教团体的避难所。1663年，查理二世授予该殖民地一项皇家特许，成立罗德岛和普罗维登斯种植园殖民地。

Until the middle of the seventeenth century, the English neglected the area between Virginia and New England despite obvious environmental advantages. The climate was healthier than the Chesapeake and more temperate than New England. The mid-Atlantic had three highly navigable rivers: the Susquehanna, the Delaware, and the Hudson. The Swedes and Dutch established their own colonies in the region: New Sweden in the Delaware Valley and New Netherland in the Hudson Valley.

直到十七世纪中叶，尽管中大西洋地区显然具有环境优势，英国仍然忽视了位于弗吉尼亚州和新英格兰之间的这一地区。该地区的气候比切萨皮克湾更健康，也比新英格兰温和。中大西洋有三条高度可航行的河流：萨斯奎哈纳河、特拉华河和哈德逊河。瑞典人和荷兰人在该地区建立了自己的殖民地：特拉华河谷的“新瑞典”和哈德逊河谷的“新尼德兰”。

Compared to other Dutch colonies around the globe, the settlements on the Hudson River were relatively minor. The Dutch West India Company realized that in order to secure its fur trade in the area, it needed to establish a greater presence in New Netherland. Toward this end, the company formed New Amsterdam on Manhattan Island in 1625.

与全球其他荷兰殖民地相比，哈德逊河上的定居点相对较小。荷兰西印度公司意识到，为了保护其在该地区的毛皮贸易，它需要在新尼德兰建立更大的存在。为此，该公司于1625年在曼哈顿岛上建立了新阿姆斯特丹。

Although the Dutch extended religious tolerance to those who settled in New Netherland, the population remained small. This left the colony vulnerable to English attack during the 1650s and 1660s, resulting in the handover of New Netherland to England in 1664. The new colony of New York was named for the proprietor, James, the Duke of York, brother to Charles II and funder of the expedition against the Dutch in 1664. New York was briefly reconquered by the Netherlands in 1667, and class and ethnic conflicts in New York City contributed to the rebellion against English authorities during the Glorious Revolution of 1688–1689. Colonists of Dutch ancestry resisted assimilation into English culture well into the eighteenth century, prompting New York Anglicans to note that the colony was “rather like a conquered foreign province.”

尽管荷兰对新尼德兰的定居者给予了宗教宽容，但人口仍然保持较少。这使得该殖民地在十六世纪五十年代和六十年代期间易受到英国的攻击，最终在1664年将新尼德兰移交给英国。新成立的纽约殖民地以其所有者、查理二世的兄弟、詹姆斯·约克公爵命名，他也是1664年针对荷兰的远征的资助者。纽约在1667年被荷兰短暂夺回，纽约市的阶级和族裔冲突促成了1688年至1689年光荣革命期间反抗英格兰当局的叛乱。直到十八世纪，拥有荷兰血统的殖民者仍抵制融入英国文化，这使得纽约的英国国教徒指出该殖民地“更像是一个被征服的外国省份”。

After the acquisition of New Netherland, Charles II and the Duke of York wished to strengthen English control over the Atlantic seaboard. In theory, this was to better tax the colonies; in practice, the awarding of the new proprietary colonies of New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and the Carolinas was a payoff of debts and political favors.

在获取新尼德兰后，查尔斯二世和约克公爵希望加强对大西洋沿岸的英属控制。理论上，这样做是为了更好地对殖民地征税；而在实际操作中，新泽西、宾夕法尼亚和卡罗来纳的新专有殖民地的设立则是偿还债务和政治恩惠的手段。

In 1664, the Duke of York granted the area between the Hudson and Delaware rivers to two English noblemen. These lands were split into two distinct colonies, East Jersey and West Jersey. One of West Jersey’s proprietors included William Penn. The ambitious Penn wanted his own, larger colony, the lands for which would be granted by both Charles II and the Duke of York. Pennsylvania consisted of about forty-five thousand square miles west of the Delaware River and the former New Sweden. Penn was a member of the Society of Friends, otherwise known as Quakers, and he intended his colony to be a “colony of Heaven for the children of Light.” Like New England’s aspirations to be a City Upon a Hill, Pennsylvania was to be an example of godliness. But Penn’s dream was to create not a colony of unity but rather a colony of harmony. He noted in 1685 that “the people are a collection of diverse nations in Europe, as French, Dutch, Germans, Swedes, Danes, Finns, Scotch, and English; and of the last equal to all the rest.” Because Quakers in Pennsylvania extended to others in America the same rights they had demanded for themselves in England, the colony attracted a diverse collection of migrants. Slavery was particularly troublesome for some pacifist Quakers of Pennsylvania on the grounds that it required violence. In 1688, members of the Society of Friends in Germantown, outside Philadelphia, signed a petition protesting the institution of slavery among fellow Quakers.

1664年，约克公爵将哈德逊河与特拉华河之间的地区授予两位英国贵族。这些土地被划分为两个不同的殖民地：东泽西和西泽西。其中一位西泽西的所有者是威廉·宾。雄心勃勃的宾希望拥有一个更大的殖民地，这块土地将由查尔斯二世和约克公爵共同授予。宾夕法尼亚州的面积约为四万五千平方英里，位于特拉华河和前新瑞典的西部。宾是“友会”的成员，也就是著名的贵格会教徒，他打算将他的殖民地建设成一个“光明之子的天国殖民地”。就像新英格兰渴望成为“山巅之城”一样，宾夕法尼亚也将成为一个虔诚的榜样。然而，宾的梦想并不是要建立一个统一的殖民地，而是要创建一个和谐的殖民地。他在1685年指出：“人们是来自欧洲各国的多样化民族集合，包括法国人、荷兰人、德国人、瑞典人、丹麦人、芬兰人、苏格兰人和英国人；而其中的英国人和其他民族平等。”由于宾夕法尼亚的贵格会成员向其他美国人扩展他们在英国所要求的权利，该殖民地吸引了各种移民的多样集合。一些宾夕法尼亚的和平主义贵格会教徒认为奴隶制尤其令人烦恼，因为这需要使用暴力。在1688年，位于费城郊外的格尔曼敦的友会成员签署了一份请愿书，抗议在贵格会成员之间存在的奴隶制度。

The Pennsylvania soil did not lend itself to the slave-based agriculture of the Chesapeake, but other colonies depended heavily on slavery from their very foundations. The creation of the colony of Carolina, later divided into North and South Carolina and Georgia, was part of Charles II’s scheme to strengthen the English hold on the Eastern Seaboard and pay off political and cash debts. The Lords Proprietor of Carolina—eight powerful favorites of the king—used the model of the colonization of Barbados to settle the area. In 1670, three ships of colonists from Barbados arrived at the mouth of the Ashley River, where they founded Charles Town. This defiance of Spanish claims to the area signified England’s growing confidence as a colonial power.

宾夕法尼亚的土壤并不适合以奴隶为基础的切萨皮克农业，但其他殖民地从一开始就严重依赖奴隶制。卡罗莱纳殖民地的建立（后来分为北卡罗来纳州、南卡罗来纳州和乔治亚州）是查尔斯二世计划加强对东海岸控制、偿还政治和现金债务的一部分。卡罗莱纳的贵族们——八位国王的强有力的宠臣——以巴巴多斯殖民化的模式来定居该地区。1670年，三艘来自巴巴多斯的移民船只抵达阿什利河口，在此建立了查尔斯城。这一举动对西班牙在该地区的声索构成了挑战，标志着英格兰作为殖民大国日益增强的自信。

To attract colonists, the Lords Proprietor offered alluring incentives: religious tolerance, political representation by assembly, exemption from fees, and large land grants. These incentives worked, and Carolina grew quickly, attracting not only middling farmers and artisans but also wealthy planters. Colonists who could pay their own way to Carolina were granted 150 acres per family member. The Lords Proprietor allowed for enslaved people to be counted as members of the family. This encouraged the creation of large rice and indigo plantations along the coast of Carolina; these were more stable commodities than deerskins and enslaved Native Americans. Because of the size of Carolina, the authority of the Lords Proprietor was especially weak in the northern reaches on Albemarle Sound. This region had been settled by Virginians in the 1650s and was increasingly resistant to Carolina authority. As a result, the Lords Proprietor founded the separate province of North Carolina in 1691.

为了吸引移民，卡罗莱纳的贵族们提供了诱人的激励措施：宗教宽容、政治代表权、免除费用和大面积的土地赠予。这些激励措施奏效了，卡罗莱纳迅速发展，吸引了不仅是中等农民和工匠，还有富有的种植园主。能够自费前往卡罗莱纳的殖民者每个家庭成员可获得150英亩的土地。贵族们允许将被奴役的人计入家庭成员，这鼓励了沿卡罗莱纳海岸建立大型水稻和靛蓝种植园；这些作物比鹿皮和被奴役的本土美洲人更为稳定。由于卡罗莱纳的面积较大，贵族们在阿尔伯马尔湾北部地区的权威尤为薄弱。该地区在1650年代由弗吉尼亚人定居，越来越抵制卡罗莱纳的统治。因此，贵族们在1691年建立了北卡罗来纳的独立省份。

V. Riot, Rebellion, and Revolt

五、暴乱、反抗与起义

The seventeenth century saw the establishment and solidification of the British North American colonies, but this process did not occur peacefully. English settlements on the continent were rocked by explosions of violence, including the Pequot War, the Mystic massacre, King Philip’s War, the Susquehannock War, Bacon’s Rebellion, and the Pueblo Revolt.

十七世纪是英属北美殖民地建立和巩固的时期，但这一过程并未平静进行。大陆上的英国定居点经历了一系列暴力事件，包括皮夸特战争、神秘大屠杀、菲利普国王战争、萨斯奎哈纳战争、培根叛乱和普韦布洛叛乱。

In May 1637, an armed contingent of English Puritans from Massachusetts Bay, Plymouth, and Connecticut colonies trekked into Native American territory that was claimed by New England. Referring to themselves as the “Sword of the Lord,” this military force intended to attack “that insolent and barbarous Nation, called the Pequots.” In the resulting violence, Puritans put the Mystic community to the torch, beginning with the north and south ends of the town. As Pequot men, women, and children tried to escape the blaze, other soldiers waited with swords and guns. One commander estimated that of the “four hundred souls in this Fort . . . not above five of them escaped out of our hands,” although another counted near “six or seven hundred” dead. In a span of less than two months, the English Puritans boasted that the Pequot “were drove out of their country, and slain by the sword, to the number of fifteen hundred.”

在1637年5月，一支来自马萨诸塞湾、普利茅斯和康涅狄格殖民地的武装清教徒队伍深入新英格兰声称的美洲土著领土。自称为“主的剑”，这支军队意图攻击“那无礼而野蛮的民族，称为皮夸特”。在随后的暴力冲突中，清教徒们放火焚烧了米斯蒂克社区，从镇子的南北两端开始。当皮夸特的男人、女人和孩子试图逃离火焰时，其他士兵则在旁以剑和枪等待。一位指挥官估计，“这座堡垒里的四百人中……不超过五人逃出了我们的手掌”，而另一位则认为大约有“六七百人”遇难。在不到两个月的时间里，英国清教徒自夸皮夸特“被驱逐出他们的土地，死于剑下，数量达一千五百人”。

The foundations of the war lay within the rivalry between the Pequot, the Narragansett, and the Mohegan, who battled for control of the fur and wampum trades in the northeast. This rivalry eventually forced the English and Dutch to choose sides. The war remained a conflict of Native interests and initiative, especially as the Mohegan hedged their bets on the English and reaped the rewards that came with displacing the Pequot.

战争的根源在于皮夸特、纳拉甘塞特和摩希根部落之间的竞争，他们为了控制东北部的毛皮和贝壳贸易而展开斗争。这种竞争最终迫使英国人和荷兰人选择立场。战争依然是土著人的利益和主动性冲突，特别是摩希根部落在与英国人结盟的同时，获得了驱逐皮夸特所带来的好处。

Victory over the Pequot not only provided security and stability for the English colonies but also propelled the Mohegan to new heights of political and economic influence as the primary power in New England. Ironically, history seemingly repeated itself later in the century as the Mohegan, desperate for a remedy to their diminishing strength, joined the Wampanoag war against the Puritans. This produced a more violent conflict in 1675 known as King Philip’s War, bringing a decisive end to Native American power in New England.

对皮夸特的胜利不仅为英属殖民地提供了安全和稳定，还将摩希根部落推向了政治和经济影响的新高峰，成为新英格兰的主要势力。具有讽刺意味的是，世纪晚期，摩希根部落由于实力逐渐减弱而感到绝望，加入了万帕诺阿克部落对抗清教徒的战争。这场战争导致了1675年的一场更加暴力的冲突，称为菲利普国王战争，最终决定性地结束了新英格兰土著人的权力。

In the winter of 1675, the body of John Sassamon, a Christian, Harvard-educated Wampanoag, was found under the ice of a nearby pond. A fellow Christian Native Americans informed English authorities that three warriors under the local sachem named Metacom, known to the English as King Philip, had killed Sassamon, who had previously accused Metacom of planning an offensive against the English. The three alleged killers appeared before the Plymouth court in June 1675. They were found guilty of murder and executed. Several weeks later, a group of Wampanoags killed nine English colonists in the town of Swansea.

1675年冬天，约翰·萨萨蒙的尸体在附近的池塘冰下被发现。萨萨蒙是一位受过哈佛教育的基督徒万帕诺阿克族人。他的同胞基督徒土著人向英国当局报告，称当地首领梅塔科姆（Metacom），即英人所称的“菲利普国王”的三名战士杀了萨萨蒙，而萨萨蒙之前曾指控梅塔科姆计划对英人发动攻击。三名被指控的杀手于1675年6月出庭，在普利茅斯法庭被判定有罪并执行了死刑。几周后，一群万帕诺阿克人袭击了斯旺西镇，杀死了九名英国殖民者。

Metacom—like most other New England sachems—had entered into covenants of “submission” to various colonies, viewing the arrangements as relationships of protection and reciprocity rather than subjugation. Native Americans and the English lived, traded, worshipped, and arbitrated disputes in close proximity before 1675, but the execution of three of Metacom’s men at the hands of Plymouth Colony epitomized what many Native Americans viewed as the growing inequality of that relationship. The Wampanoags who attacked Swansea may have sought to restore balance, or to retaliate for the recent executions. Neither they nor anyone else sought to engulf all of New England in war, but that is precisely what happened. Authorities in Plymouth sprang into action, enlisting help from the neighboring colonies of Connecticut and Massachusetts.

梅塔科姆和大多数新英格兰的首领一样，与各个殖民地签订了“服从”条约，他们将这些安排视为保护和互惠的关系，而非征服。1675年之前，土著人与英国人近距离生活、贸易、崇拜并调解争端，但普利茅斯殖民地处决梅塔科姆的三名部下的事件，象征着许多土著人眼中日益不平等的关系。袭击斯旺西的万帕诺阿克人可能试图恢复这种平衡，或是对最近的处决进行报复。无论如何，他们或其他人并未寻求将整个新英格兰卷入战争，但最终的结果正是如此。普利茅斯当局迅速采取行动，寻求邻近的康涅狄格州和马萨诸塞州的支援。

Metacom and his followers eluded colonial forces in the summer of 1675, striking more Plymouth towns as they moved northwest. Some groups joined his forces, while others remained neutral or supported the English. The war badly divided some Indigenous communities. Metacom himself had little control over events as panic and violence spread throughout New England in the autumn of 1675. English mistrust of neutral Native Americans, sometimes accompanied by demands that they surrender their weapons, pushed many into open war. By the end of 1675, most of the Native Americans of present-day western and central Massachusetts had entered the war, laying waste to nearby English towns like Deerfield, Hadley, and Brookfield. Hapless colonial forces, spurning the military assistance of allies such as the Mohegans, proved unable to locate more mobile Native communities or intercept attacks.

梅塔科姆及其追随者在1675年夏季躲避了殖民地部队的追击，向西北方向攻击更多的普利茅斯城镇。部分部落加入了他的队伍，而其他部落则保持中立或支持英人。战争严重分裂了一些土著社区。随着1675年秋季恐慌和暴力在新英格兰蔓延，梅塔科姆自己对局势几乎失去了控制。英人对中立土著人的不信任，伴随着要求他们交出武器的要求，使许多人被迫加入公开的战争。到1675年底，现今马萨诸塞州西部和中部的大多数土著人已参与战争，摧毁了附近的英人城镇，如迪尔菲尔德、哈德利和布鲁克菲尔德。殖民地的部队因拒绝接受摩希干人的军事援助而陷入困境，未能找到更机动的土著社区或拦截攻击。

The English compounded their problems by attacking the powerful and neutral Narragansett of Rhode Island in December 1675. In an action called the Great Swamp Fight, 1,000 Englishmen put the main Narragansett village to the torch, gunning down as many as 1,000 Narragansett men, women, and children as they fled the maelstrom. The surviving Narragansett joined those already fighting the English. Between February and April 1676, Native forces devastated a succession of English towns closer and closer to Boston.

英人通过在1675年12月袭击强大且中立的罗德岛纳拉甘塞特部落，进一步加剧了他们的问题。在这场被称为“大沼泽之战”的行动中，1000名英军将纳拉甘塞特主村焚毁，在逃离风暴的过程中枪杀了多达1000名纳拉甘塞特的男女老幼。幸存的纳拉甘塞特人加入了已经与英军作战的部落。从1676年2月到4月，土著军队接连摧毁越来越靠近波士顿的英人城镇。

In the spring of 1676, the tide turned. The New England colonies took the advice of men like Benjamin Church, who urged the greater use of Native allies, including Pequot and Mohegan, to find and fight the mobile warriors. As the combatants were unable to plant crops and forced to live off the land, their will to continue the struggle waned as companies of English and Native allies pursued them. Growing numbers of fighters fled the region, switched sides, or surrendered in the spring and summer. The English sold many of the latter group into slavery. Colonial forces finally caught up with Metacom in August 1676, and the sachem was slain by a Christian Native American fighting with the English.

1676年春季，局势开始转变。新英格兰殖民地采纳了本杰明·查奇等人的建议，更多地利用土著盟友，包括皮夸特人和摩希干人，来寻找和对抗机动的敌军。由于战斗双方无法种植作物，迫不得已依赖土地生活，他们继续战斗的意志随着英军和土著盟友的追击而减弱。越来越多的战斗人员在春季和夏季逃离该地区、变换阵营或投降，后者中的许多人被英军卖为奴隶。殖民地部队最终在1676年8月追上了梅塔科姆，梅塔科姆被与英军作战的基督教土著人杀死。

The war permanently altered the political and demographic landscape of New England. Between eight hundred and one thousand English and at least three thousand Native Americans perished in the fourteen-month conflict. Thousands of others fled the region or were sold into slavery. In 1670, Native Americans comprised roughly 25 percent of New England’s population; a decade later, they made up perhaps 10 percent.²¹ The war’s brutality also encouraged a growing hatred of all Indigenous people among many New England colonists. Though the fighting ceased in 1676, the bitter legacy of King Philip’s War lived on.

这场战争永久改变了新英格兰的政治和人口格局。在长达14个月的冲突中，约有800至1000名英人和至少3000名土著人丧生。数千人逃离该地区或被卖为奴隶。1670年，土著人约占新英格兰人口的25%；十年后，他们的人口比例降至约10%。战争的残酷性也在许多新英格兰殖民者中引发了对所有土著人的仇恨。尽管战斗在1676年停止，但“菲利普王战争”的苦涩遗产依然存在。

Sixteen years later, New England faced a new fear: the supernatural. Beginning in early 1692 and culminating in 1693, Salem Town, Salem Village, Ipswich, and Andover all tried women and men as witches. Paranoia swept through the region, and fourteen women and six men were executed. Five other individuals died in prison. The causes of the trials are numerous and include local rivalries, political turmoil, enduring trauma of war, faulty legal procedure where accusing others became a method of self-defense, or perhaps even low-level environmental contamination. Enduring tensions with Native people framed the events, however, and a Native American or African woman named Tituba enslaved by the local minister was at the center of the tragedy.

十六年后，新英格兰面临了一种新的恐惧：超自然现象。从1692年初开始，直到1693年，塞勒姆镇、塞勒姆村、伊普斯威奇和安多佛都开始审判女性和男性为巫婆。偏执在该地区蔓延，十四名女性和六名男性被处决，另外五人死于监狱。审判的原因有很多，包括地方 rivalries、政治动荡、战争造成的持久创伤、错误的法律程序（指控他人成为自我防卫的方法）以及可能的低级环境污染。然而，与土著人的持续紧张关系构成了事件的背景，一位名叫提图巴的土著或非洲女性，她是当地牧师的奴隶，成为了这一悲剧的中心。

Native American communities in Virginia had already been decimated by wars in 1622 and 1644. But a new clash arose in Virginia the same year that New Englanders crushed Metacom’s forces. This conflict, known as Bacon’s Rebellion, grew out of tensions between Native Americans and English settlers as well as tensions between wealthy English landowners and the poor settlers who continually pushed west into territory controlled by Native Americans.

弗吉尼亚的美洲原住民社区在1622年和1644年的战争中已遭到严重削弱。但在新英格兰人击溃梅塔科姆（Metacom）军队的同一年，弗吉尼亚又爆发了一场新的冲突。这场被称为“培根叛乱”（Bacon’s Rebellion）的冲突源于土著人和英国定居者之间的紧张关系，以及富有的英国地主与不断向土著人控制的领土推进的贫困定居者之间的紧张关系。

Bacon’s Rebellion began, appropriately enough, with an argument over a pig. In the summer of 1675, a group of Doeg people visited Thomas Mathew on his plantation in northern Virginia to collect a debt that he owed them. When Mathew refused to pay, they took some of his pigs to settle the debt. This “theft” sparked a series of raids and counterraids. The Susquehannock people were caught in the crossfire when the militia mistook them for Doegs, leaving fourteen dead. A similar pattern of escalating violence then repeated: the Susquehannocks retaliated by killing colonists in Virginia and Maryland, and the English marshaled their forces and laid siege to the Susquehannock. The conflict became uglier after the militia executed a delegation of Susquehannock ambassadors under a flag of truce. A few parties of warriors intent on revenge launched raids along the frontier and killed dozens of English colonists.

“培根叛乱”的起因恰如其分地源于一头猪的争执。1675年夏季，一群多伊格（Doeg）人前往托马斯·马修（Thomas Mathew）在弗吉尼亚北部的种植园，索要他欠他们的债务。当马修拒绝偿还时，他们便拿走了他的几头猪来抵债。这一“盗窃”事件引发了一系列的袭击与反击。萨斯夸汉纳克（Susquehannock）人被卷入冲突，因为民兵将他们误认为是多伊格人，导致十四人遇难。随后，暴力升级的模式再次上演：萨斯夸汉纳克人报复性地杀死了弗吉尼亚和马里兰的殖民者，而英军则集结力量围攻萨斯夸汉纳克人。在一场以和平旗号进行的外交会谈中，民兵处决了一名萨斯夸汉纳克大使团，使冲突愈加恶化。几队寻求复仇的战士沿边境发起袭击，杀死了数十名英国殖民者。

The sudden and unpredictable violence of the Susquehannock War triggered a political crisis in Virginia. Panicked colonists fled en masse from the vulnerable frontiers, flooding into coastal communities and begging the government for help. But the cautious governor, Sir William Berkeley, did not send an army after the Susquehannock. He worried that a full-scale war would inevitably drag other Native Americans into the conflict, turning allies into deadly enemies. Berkeley therefore insisted on a defensive strategy centered on a string of new fortifications to protect the frontier and strict instructions not to antagonize friendly Native people. It was a sound military policy but a public relations disaster. Terrified colonists condemned Berkeley. Building contracts for the forts went to Berkeley’s wealthy friends, who conveniently decided that their own plantations were the most strategically vital. Colonists denounced the government as a corrupt band of oligarchs more interested in lining their pockets than protecting the people.

萨斯夸汉纳克战争的突发和不可预测的暴力引发了弗吉尼亚的政治危机。惊恐的殖民者大规模逃离脆弱的边境，涌入沿海社区，恳求政府提供帮助。然而，谨慎的州长威廉·伯克利（Sir William Berkeley）并没有派军队追击萨斯夸汉纳克人。他担心全面战争将不可避免地将其他土著人卷入冲突，盟友会变成致命的敌人。因此，伯克利坚持采取防御策略，集中精力在边境修建一系列新防御工事，并严格要求不激怒友好的土著人。这虽然是一项合理的军事政策，却是一次公共关系灾难。惊恐的殖民者谴责伯克利。堡垒的建筑合同被授予伯克利的富裕朋友们，他们恰好认为自己的种植园是最具战略价值的。殖民者指责政府是一个腐败的寡头集团，更关心自己的利益而非保护人民。

By the spring of 1676, a small group of frontier colonists took matters into their own hands. Naming the charismatic young Nathaniel Bacon as their leader, these self-styled “volunteers” proclaimed that they took up arms in defense of their homes and families. They took pains to assure Berkeley that they intended no disloyalty, but Berkeley feared a coup and branded the volunteers as traitors. Berkeley finally mobilized an army—not to pursue Susquehannock, but to crush the colonists’ rebellion. His drastic response catapulted a small band of vigilantes into full-fledged rebels whose survival necessitated bringing down the colonial government.

到1676年春季，一小部分边境殖民者决定自行其事。他们推举富有魅力的年轻人纳撒尼尔·培根（Nathaniel Bacon）作为他们的领袖，这些自称“志愿者”的人宣称他们是为了保护自己的家园和家庭而拿起武器。他们特意向伯克利保证，他们并不打算表现出不忠，但伯克利担心政变，并将这些志愿者视为叛徒。伯克利最终动员了一支军队——不是为了追击萨斯夸汉纳克人，而是为了镇压殖民者的叛乱。他的激烈反应使一小群治安志愿者迅速转变为全面反叛者，生存的需要迫使他们推翻殖民政府。

Bacon and the rebels stalked the Susquehannock as well as friendly Native Americans like the Pamunkeys and the Occaneechi. The rebels became convinced that there was a massive Native American conspiracy to destroy the English. Berkeley’s stubborn persistence in defending friendly Natives and destroying the rebels led Bacon to accuse the governor of conspiring with a “powerful cabal” of elite planters and with “the protected and darling Indians” to slaughter his English enemies.

培根和反叛者追踪萨斯夸汉纳克人以及友好的土著人，如帕蒙基（Pamunkey）和奥卡尼奇（Occaneechi）。反叛者逐渐确信存在一个庞大的土著人阴谋，旨在消灭英国人。伯克利固执地坚持保护友好的土著人并镇压反叛者，使培根指控州长与一群“强大的寡头”种植园主和“受保护的心腹土著”勾结，企图屠杀他的英国敌人。

In the early summer of 1676, Bacon’s neighbors elected him their burgess and sent him to Jamestown to confront Berkeley. Though the House of Burgesses enacted pro-rebel reforms like prohibiting the sale of arms to Native Americans and restoring suffrage rights to landless freemen, Bacon’s supporters remained unsatisfied. Berkeley soon had Bacon arrested and forced the rebel leader into the humiliating position of publicly begging forgiveness for his treason. Bacon swallowed this indignity but turned the tables by gathering an army of followers and surrounding the State House, demanding that Berkeley name him the general of Virginia and bless his universal war against Native Americans. Instead, the seventy-year-old governor stepped onto the field in front of the crowd of angry men, unafraid, and called Bacon a traitor to his face. Then he tore open his shirt and dared Bacon to shoot him in the heart, if he was so intent on overthrowing his government. “Here!” he shouted before the crowd, “shoot me, before God, it is a fair mark. Shoot!” When Bacon hesitated, Berkeley drew his sword and challenged the young man to a duel, knowing that Bacon could neither back down from a challenge without looking like a coward nor kill him without making himself into a villain. Instead, Bacon resorted to bluster and blasphemy. Threatening to slaughter the entire assembly if necessary, he cursed, “God damn my blood, I came for a commission, and a commission I will have before I go.” Berkeley stood defiant, but the cowed burgesses finally prevailed upon him to grant Bacon’s request. Virginia had its general, and Bacon had his war.

1676年初夏，培根的邻居们选举他为他们的代表，并派他前往詹姆斯敦与伯克利对峙。尽管伯爵院通过了支持反叛者的改革，比如禁止向土著人出售武器和恢复无地自由人的选举权，培根的支持者仍然不满意。伯克利很快就逮捕了培根，并迫使这位叛乱领袖在公众面前为他的叛国行为请求宽恕。培根忍受了这种屈辱，但随后反过来召集了一支追随者的军队，包围了州议会大厦，要求伯克利任命他为弗吉尼亚的将军，并支持他对土著人的全面战争。相反，这位七十岁的州长走到愤怒人群面前，毫无畏惧地当面指责培根是叛徒。接着，他撕开自己的衬衫，向培根发出挑战，如果他真想推翻政府，就朝他的心口射击。“来！”他在众人面前大喊，“在上帝面前射我，这正是一个好目标。射击！”当培根犹豫不决时，伯克利拔出剑来，挑战这位年轻人决斗，知道培根既不能拒绝挑战而不显得懦弱，也不能杀了他而不让自己成为恶棍。相反，培根选择了夸口和亵渎，威胁如果必要的话就屠杀整个大会，他咒骂道：“上帝诅咒我的血，我是来寻求委任的，我要在离开之前得到一份委任。” 伯克利面露坚决，但被压制的代表们最终说服他满足培根的要求。弗吉尼亚州有了将军，而培根也有了他的战争。

After this dramatic showdown in Jamestown, Bacon’s Rebellion quickly spiraled out of control. Berkeley slowly rebuilt his loyalist army, forcing Bacon to divert his attention to the coasts and away from Native Americans. But most rebels were more interested in defending their homes and families than in fighting other Englishmen, and they deserted in droves at every rumor of Native activity. In many places, the “rebellion” was less an organized military campaign than a collection of local grievances and personal rivalries. Both rebels and loyalists smelled the opportunities for plunder, seizing their rivals’ estates and confiscating their property.

在詹姆斯敦的这场戏剧性对峙之后，培根的叛乱迅速失控。伯克利慢慢重建起了他的忠诚军队，迫使培根将注意力从土著人转向沿海地区。然而，大多数叛军更关心保卫自己的家园和家人，而不是与其他英国人作战，因此每当有土著活动的传言时，叛军便大批逃离。在许多地方，这场“叛乱”与其说是一次有组织的军事行动，不如说是一系列地方性的怨恨和个人对立。叛军和忠诚派都看到了抢劫的机会，纷纷夺取对手的财产，没收他们的庄园。

For a small but vocal minority of rebels, however, the rebellion became an ideological revolution: Sarah Drummond, wife of rebel leader William Drummond, advocated independence from England and the formation of a Virginian Republic, declaring “I fear the power of England no more than a broken straw.” Others struggled for a different kind of independence: white servants and enslaved Black people fought side by side in both armies after promises of freedom for military service. Everyone accused everyone else of treason, rebels and loyalists switched sides depending on which side was winning, and the whole Chesapeake disintegrated into a confused melee of secret plots and grandiose crusades, sordid vendettas and desperate gambits, with Native Americans and English alike struggling for supremacy and survival. One Virginian summed up the rebellion as “our time of anarchy.”

然而，对于一小部分声音强烈的叛军来说，这场叛乱演变成了一场意识形态的革命。叛军领袖威廉·德拉蒙德（William Drummond）的妻子萨拉·德拉蒙德（Sarah Drummond）主张脱离英国，建立弗吉尼亚共和国，她宣称：“我对英国的力量毫无畏惧，就像面对一根断掉的稻草。” 其他人则为了另一种形式的独立而奋斗：白人仆人和被奴役的黑人并肩作战，期望通过军事服务获得自由。叛军和忠诚派互相指控叛国，随着战局的变化，双方人员频繁倒戈，整个切萨皮克地区陷入了混乱的混战，充斥着秘密阴谋和宏大的十字军行动，卑劣的私仇与绝望的赌博并存，土著人与英国人都在为生存和霸权而斗争。一位弗吉尼亚人总结道，这场叛乱是“我们时代的无政府状态”。

The rebels steadily lost ground and ultimately suffered a crushing defeat. Bacon died of typhus in the autumn of 1676, and his successors surrendered to Berkeley in January 1677. Berkeley summarily tried and executed the rebel leadership in a succession of kangaroo courts-martial. Before long, however, the royal fleet arrived, bearing over one thousand red-coated troops and a royal commission of investigation charged with restoring order to the colony. The commissioners replaced the governor and dispatched Berkeley to London, where he died in disgrace.

叛军逐渐失去阵地，最终遭受了毁灭性的失败。1676年秋天，培根因伤寒去世，他的继任者于1677年1月向伯克利投降。伯克利迅速通过一系列草率的军事法庭审判并处决了叛军领导人。然而，不久之后，皇家舰队抵达，带来了超过一千名身穿红色制服的士兵和一个皇家调查委员会，负责恢复该殖民地的秩序。委员会撤换了伯克利，将他送往伦敦，他在那里以耻辱告终。

But the conclusion of Bacon’s Rebellion was uncertain, and the maintenance of order remained precarious for years afterward. The garrison of royal troops discouraged both incursion by Native Americans and insurrection by discontented colonists, allowing the king to continue profiting from tobacco revenues. The end of armed resistance did not mean a resolution to the underlying tensions destabilizing colonial society. Native Americans inside Virginia remained an embattled minority, and those outside Virginia remained a terrifying threat. Elite planters continued to grow rich by exploiting their indentured servants and marginalizing small farmers. Most Virginians continued to resent their exploitation with a simmering fury. Virginia legislators did recognize the extent of popular hostility toward colonial rule, however, and improved the social and political conditions of poor white Virginians in the years after the rebellion. During the same period, the increasing availability of enslaved workers through the Atlantic slave trade contributed to planters’ large-scale adoption of slave labor in the Chesapeake.

尽管培根叛乱平息，殖民地的秩序维持在接下来的几年里仍然岌岌可危。驻扎的皇家军队既遏制了土著人的入侵，也防止了不满殖民者的再次叛乱，使国王能够继续从烟草收入中获利。武装抵抗的结束并不意味着解决了导致殖民社会不稳定的根本矛盾。弗吉尼亚境内的土著人仍然是一个受压迫的少数群体，而弗吉尼亚外的土著人仍被视为可怕的威胁。精英种植园主通过剥削契约仆人和边缘化小农场主继续积累财富，而大多数弗吉尼亚人依旧对这种剥削充满愤怒。弗吉尼亚的立法者认识到了民众对殖民统治的广泛敌意，并在叛乱后的几年里改善了贫穷白人居民的社会和政治条件。同一时期，大西洋奴隶贸易带来的大量奴工供应，促使种植园主在切萨皮克地区大规模采用奴隶劳动。

Just a few years after Bacon’s Rebellion, the Spanish experienced their own tumult in the area of contemporary New Mexico. The Spanish had been maintaining control partly by suppressing Native American beliefs. Friars aggressively enforced Catholic practice, burning native idols and masks and other sacred objects and banishing traditional spiritual practices. In 1680, the Puebloan religious leader Popé, who had been arrested and whipped for “sorcery” five years earlier, led various Puebloan groups in rebellion. Several thousand Puebloan warriors razed the Spanish countryside and besieged Santa Fe. They killed four hundred, including twenty-one Franciscan priests, and allowed two thousand other Spaniards and Christian Puebloans to flee. It was perhaps the greatest act of Indigenous resistance in North American history.

就在培根叛乱后的几年，西班牙人在当代新墨西哥地区也经历了动荡。西班牙人一直通过压制美洲原住民的信仰来维持控制。修士们积极推行天主教信仰，焚烧原住民的偶像、面具和其他神圣物品，并禁止传统的精神仪式。1680年，普韦布洛的宗教领袖波佩（Popé），在五年前因“巫术”被逮捕并鞭打后，领导了各个普韦布洛群体发动叛乱。数千名普韦布洛战士摧毁了西班牙的乡村，并包围了圣菲。他们杀死了四百人，包括二十一名方济各会修士，并允许其他两千名西班牙人和基督教普韦布洛人逃离。这或许是北美历史上最大的一次原住民反抗行动。

In New Mexico, the Puebloans eradicated all traces of Spanish rule. They destroyed churches and threw themselves into rivers to wash away their Christian baptisms. “The God of the Christians is dead,” Popé proclaimed, and the Puebloans resumed traditional spiritual practices. The Spanish were exiled for twelve years. They returned in 1692, weakened, to reconquer New Mexico.

在新墨西哥，普韦布洛人彻底消除了所有西班牙统治的痕迹。他们摧毁了教堂，并跳入河中洗去他们的基督教洗礼。“基督徒的上帝已经死了，”波佩宣称，普韦布洛人恢复了传统的精神仪式。西班牙人被放逐了十二年，直到1692年他们才重返新墨西哥，并在虚弱的状态下重新征服该地区。

The late seventeenth century was a time of great violence and turmoil. Bacon’s Rebellion turned white Virginians against one another, King Philip’s War shattered Native American resistance in New England, and the Pueblo Revolt struck a major blow to Spanish power. It would take several more decades before similar patterns erupted in Carolina and Pennsylvania, but the constant advance of European settlements provoked conflict in these areas as well.

17世纪晚期是一个充满暴力和动荡的时代。培根叛乱使弗吉尼亚的白人互相对立，菲利普国王战争摧毁了新英格兰的美洲原住民抵抗力量，而普韦布洛起义则对西班牙势力造成了重大打击。虽然在卡罗莱纳和宾夕法尼亚出现类似的模式还需数十年时间，但欧洲殖民者的持续扩张在这些地区也引发了冲突。

In 1715, the Yamasee, Carolina’s closest allies and most lucrative trading partners, turned against the colony and nearly destroyed it entirely. Writing from Carolina to London, the settler George Rodd believed the Yamasee wanted nothing less than “the whole continent and to kill us or chase us all out.” The Yamasee would eventually advance within miles of Charles Town.

1715年，亚马斯人，卡罗莱纳最亲密的盟友和最有利可图的贸易伙伴，突然反抗了殖民地，几乎将其彻底摧毁。在卡罗莱纳写信给伦敦的定居者乔治·罗德认为，亚马斯人的目标是“占领整个大陆，要么杀死我们，要么将我们全部赶走。”27 亚马斯人最终推进到了距离查尔斯顿几英里的地方。

The Yamasee War’s first victims were traders. The governor had dispatched two of the colony’s most prominent men to visit and pacify a Yamasee council following rumors of native unrest. The Yamasee quickly proved the fears well founded by killing the emissaries and every English trader they could corral.

亚马斯战争的首批受害者是贸易商。殖民地总督在听闻有关美洲原住民骚乱的传言后，派遣了两位殖民地最杰出的官员前往亚马斯议会进行访问并试图安抚他们。然而，亚马斯人很快验证了这些担忧，他们杀死了使者以及所有能够抓住的英国贸易商。

The Yamasee, like many other Native Americans, had come to depend on English courts as much as the flintlock rifles and ammunition that traders offered them for enslaved laborers and animal skins. Feuds between English agents had crippled the court of trade and shut down all diplomacy, provoking the violent Yamasee reprisal. Most villages in the southeast sent at least a few warriors to join what quickly became a cause against the colony that united various Native American peoples.

亚马斯人和许多其他美洲原住民一样，不仅依赖英国法院的调解，还依赖贸易商提供的燧发枪和弹药，以换取被奴役的劳动力和动物皮毛。英国代理人之间的争斗使得贸易法庭瘫痪，所有的外交活动都停止，这直接引发了亚马斯人暴力的报复。东南部的大多数村庄至少派出了一些战士加入了这一迅速成为联合各族美洲原住民共同事业的战争。

Yet Charles Town ultimately survived the onslaught by preserving one crucial alliance with the Cherokee. By 1717, the conflict had largely dried up, and the only remaining menace was roaming Yamasee bands operating from Spanish Florida. Most Native American villages returned to terms with Carolina and resumed trading. The lucrative trade in enslaved Native Americans, however, which had consumed fifty thousand souls in five decades, largely dwindled after the war. The danger was too high for traders, and the colonies discovered even greater profits by importing Africans to work new rice plantations. Herein lies the birth of the Old South, that expanse of plantations that created untold wealth and misery. Native Americans retained the strongest militaries in the region, but they never again threatened the survival of English colonies.

然而，查尔斯顿最终通过与切罗基人的关键联盟，成功抵御了亚马斯人的攻势。到1717年，冲突大部分平息，唯一剩下的威胁是来自西班牙佛罗里达的流动亚马斯人队伍。大多数美洲原住民村庄重新与卡罗莱纳达成协议，恢复了贸易。然而，战前五十年间曾吞噬五万人的美洲原住民奴隶贸易在战争后大幅减少。对贸易商来说，风险变得太高，而殖民地发现通过从非洲进口奴隶来为新的稻米种植园工作带来了更大的利润。这标志着旧南方的诞生——一个充满种植园的广袤地区，创造了无尽的财富和苦难。美洲原住民虽然仍然拥有该地区最强大的军事力量，但他们再也无法对英国殖民地的生存构成威胁。

If a colony existed where peace with Indigenous people might continue, it would be Pennsylvania. At the colony’s founding, William Penn created a Quaker religious imperative for the peaceful treatment of Native Americans. While Penn never doubted that the English would appropriate Native lands, he demanded that his colonists obtain these territories through purchase rather than violence. Though Pennsylvanians maintained relatively peaceful relations with Native Americans, increased immigration and booming land speculation increased the demand for land. Coercive and fraudulent methods of negotiation became increasingly prominent. The Walking Purchase of 1737 was emblematic of both colonists’ desire for cheap land and the changing relationship between Pennsylvanians and their Native neighbors.

如果有一个殖民地能够持续与美洲原住民保持和平，那可能就是宾夕法尼亚。在该殖民地的建立过程中，威廉·佩恩基于贵格会的宗教信仰，倡导和平对待美洲原住民。虽然佩恩从未怀疑英国人会最终占据原住民的土地，但他要求殖民者通过购买而非暴力来获得这些领土。尽管宾夕法尼亚人与美洲原住民保持了相对和平的关系，移民的增加和土地投机的繁荣却加大了对土地的需求。强制和欺诈性的谈判方式逐渐变得普遍，1737年的“步行购买”正是殖民者对廉价土地的渴望以及宾夕法尼亚人与原住民关系变化的象征。

Through treaty negotiation in 1737, Native Delaware leaders agreed to sell Pennsylvania all of the land that a man could walk in a day and a half, a common measurement used by Delawares in evaluating distances. John and Thomas Penn, joined by the land speculator and longtime friend of the Penns James Logan, hired a team of skilled runners to complete the “walk” on a prepared trail. The runners traveled from Wrightstown to the present-day town of Jim Thorpe, and proprietary officials then drew the new boundary line perpendicular to the runners’ route, extending northeast to the Delaware River. The colonial government thus measured out a tract much larger than the Delaware had originally intended to sell, roughly 1,200 square miles. As a result, Delaware-proprietary relations suffered. Many Delaware left the lands in question and migrated westward to join Shawnee and other Delaware already living in the Ohio Valley. There they established diplomatic and trade relationships with the French. Memories of the suspect purchase endured into the 1750s and became a chief point of contention between the Pennsylvanian government and the Delaware during the upcoming Seven Years’ War.

通过1737年的条约谈判，特拉华的原住民首领同意将一名男子在一天半内所能步行的所有土地出售给宾夕法尼亚。这是特拉华人在评估距离时常用的测量方法。约翰·佩恩和托马斯·佩恩与长期友人及土地投机商詹姆斯·洛根合作，雇佣了一批训练有素的跑步者，沿着一条准备好的小道完成了“步行”。这些跑步者从赖特镇出发，跑到了如今的吉姆·索普镇，殖民地官员随后沿着他们的路线垂直画出新的边界线，向东北延伸至特拉华河。通过这种方式，殖民政府测量出了比特拉华人原本打算出售的土地大得多的面积，约为1,200平方英里。此举导致了特拉华人与宾夕法尼亚殖民政府的关系恶化。许多特拉华人离开了这片土地，迁往西部，与已经居住在俄亥俄河谷的肖尼人和其他特拉华人汇合。在那里，他们与法国人建立了外交和贸易关系。对这一可疑购买的记忆一直延续到1750年代，并成为七年战争期间宾夕法尼亚政府与特拉华人之间主要的争议点。

VI. Conclusion

六、结论

The seventeenth century saw the creation and maturation of Britain’s North American colonies. Colonists warred against unforgiving climates, imperial intrigue, and Native Americans. They did so largely through ruthless expressions of power. Colonists attacked Native Americans, provoked European rivals, and joined a highly lucrative transatlantic economy rooted in slavery. After surviving a century of desperation and war, British North American colonists fashioned increasingly complex societies with unique religious cultures, economic ties, and political traditions. These societies would come to shape not only North America but soon the entirety of the Atlantic World.

17世纪见证了英国北美殖民地的创建和成熟。殖民者面对严酷的气候、帝国阴谋以及美洲原住民的挑战，主要通过无情的权力展示来应对。他们攻击印第安人、挑衅欧洲对手，并加入了一个以奴隶制为基础的高利润跨大西洋经济体系。在经历了一个世纪的困境与战争后，英国北美的殖民者逐渐形成了复杂的社会结构，发展出独特的宗教文化、经济联系和政治传统。这些社会不仅塑造了北美，也很快影响了整个大西洋世界。