第四章 殖民社会

Source / 原文：https://www.americanyawp.com/text/04-colonial-society/

I. Introduction

一、引言

Eighteenth-century American culture moved in competing directions. Commercial, military, and cultural ties between Great Britain and the North American colonies tightened while a new distinctly American culture began to form and bind together colonists from New Hampshire to Georgia. Immigrants from other European nations meanwhile combined with Native Americans and enslaved Africans to create an increasingly diverse colonial population. All—men and women, European, Native American, and African—led distinct lives and wrought new distinct societies. While life in the thirteen colonies was shaped in part by English practices and participation in the larger Atlantic World, emerging cultural patterns increasingly transformed North America into something wholly different.

在18世纪，美国殖民地的文化呈现出相互竞争的趋势。一方面，北美殖民地与大不列颠之间的商业、军事和文化联系日益紧密，另一方面，一种独特的“美式”文化开始形成，将从新罕布什尔到乔治亚的殖民者团结在一起。同时，来自其他欧洲国家的移民与美洲原住民和被奴役的非洲人共同生活，形成了日益多样化的殖民地人口结构。无论是男性还是女性，无论是欧洲人、美洲原住民，还是非洲人，他们都过着各自独特的生活，创造了新的、独特的社会。尽管十三个殖民地的生活部分受到了英格兰习俗和大西洋世界更大环境的影响，但不断涌现的文化模式逐渐将北美转变为一个截然不同的社会。

II. Consumption and Trade in the British Atlantic

二、英国大西洋贸易中的消费与贸易

Transatlantic trade greatly enriched Britain, but it also created high standards of living for many North American colonists. This two-way relationship reinforced the colonial feeling of commonality with British culture. It was not until trade relations, disturbed by political changes and the demands of warfare, became strained in the 1760s that colonists began to question these ties.

大西洋跨洋贸易极大地丰富了英国，同时也提高了许多北美殖民者的生活水平。这种双向关系加强了殖民者与英国文化的共通感。然而，直到18世纪60年代，随着政治变革和战争需求扰乱了贸易关系，这种联系才开始受到殖民者的质疑。

During the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, improvements in manufacturing, transportation, and the availability of credit increased the opportunity for colonists to purchase consumer goods. Instead of making their own tools, clothes, and utensils, colonists increasingly purchased luxury items made by specialized artisans and manufacturers. As the incomes of Americans rose and the prices of these commodities fell, these items shifted from luxuries to common goods. The average person’s ability to spend money on consumer goods became a sign of their respectability. Historians have called this process the “consumer revolution.”

在17世纪和18世纪，制造业、交通和信贷的改善增加了殖民者购买消费品的机会。殖民者不再依靠自制工具、衣物和器皿，而是越来越多地购买由专业工匠和制造商生产的奢侈品。随着殖民者收入的增加和这些商品价格的下降，这些物品从奢侈品转变为日常消费品。普通人花钱购买消费品的能力成为其体面身份的象征。历史学家称这一过程为“消费革命”。

Britain relied on the colonies as a source of raw materials, such as lumber and tobacco. Americans engaged with new forms of trade and financing that increased their ability to buy British-made goods. But the ways in which colonists paid for these goods varied sharply from those in Britain. When settlers first arrived in North America, they typically carried very little hard or metallic British money with them. Discovering no precious metals (and lacking the Crown’s authority to mint coins), colonists relied on barter and nontraditional forms of exchange, including everything from nails to the wampum used by Native American groups in the Northeast. To deal with the lack of currency, many colonies resorted to “commodity money,” which varied from place to place. In Virginia, for example, the colonial legislature stipulated a rate of exchange for tobacco, standardizing it as a form of money in the colony. Commodities could be cumbersome and difficult to transport, so a system of notes developed. These notes allowed individuals to deposit a certain amount of tobacco in a warehouse and receive a note bearing the value of the deposit that could be traded as money. In 1690, colonial Massachusetts became the first place in the Western world to issue paper bills to be used as money. These notes, called bills of credit, were issued for finite periods of time on the colony’s credit and varied in denomination.

英国依赖北美殖民地作为原材料的来源，例如木材和烟草。北美殖民者通过新形式的贸易和融资方式，增加了购买英国制造商品的能力。然而，殖民者支付这些商品的方式与英国有很大不同。当早期移民抵达北美时，他们通常携带的英镑硬币非常少。由于北美没有发现贵金属，也没有铸造硬币的王室权威，殖民者依赖于易货和非传统的交换形式，从钉子到东北地区原住民使用的海贝珠（wampum）都作为交易工具。由于货币匮乏，许多殖民地使用“商品货币”来进行交易，不同地区的商品货币也有所不同。例如，在弗吉尼亚，殖民议会规定了烟草的兑换率，使其成为该殖民地的货币形式。由于商品货币笨重且不易运输，逐渐发展出了一种票据制度。个人可以将一定数量的烟草存入仓库，并获得一张票据，票据标明存款的价值，可用于交易。1690年，马萨诸塞殖民地成为西方世界第一个发行纸币的地方，这些纸币被称为“信用票据”，按一定时间段发行，并按不同面额流通。

While these notes provided colonists with a much-needed medium for exchange, it was not without its problems. Currency that worked in Virginia might be worthless in Pennsylvania. Colonists and officials in Britain debated whether it was right or desirable to use mere paper, as opposed to gold or silver, as a medium of exchange. Paper money tended to lose value quicker than coins and was often counterfeited. These problems, as well as British merchants’ reluctance to accept depreciated paper notes, caused the Board of Trade to restrict the uses of paper money in the Currency Acts of 1751 and 1763. Paper money was not the only medium of exchange, however. Colonists also used metal coins. Barter and the extension of credit—which could take the form of bills of exchange, akin to modern-day personal checks—remained important forces throughout the colonial period. Still, trade between colonies was greatly hampered by the lack of standardized money.

虽然这些票据为殖民者提供了一种急需的交易媒介，但它们也带来了不少问题。比如，在弗吉尼亚有效的货币可能在宾夕法尼亚毫无价值。殖民者和英国官员之间对此展开了辩论，质疑使用纸币（而不是黄金或白银）作为交易媒介的合理性和可取性。纸币通常比硬币贬值得更快，且容易被伪造。这些问题，以及英国商人不愿接受贬值的纸币，使得英国的贸易委员会在1751年和1763年通过了《货币法》，限制纸币的使用。然而，纸币并不是唯一的交易媒介，殖民者也使用金属硬币。易货和信用延伸（类似于现代的个人支票）在整个殖民时期也继续发挥重要作用。尽管如此，殖民地之间的贸易因缺乏标准化货币而受到极大阻碍。

Businesses on both sides of the Atlantic advertised both their goods and promises of obtaining credit. The consistent availability of credit allowed families of modest means to buy consumer items previously available only to elites. Cheap consumption allowed middle-class Americans to match many of the trends in clothing, food, and household décor that traditionally marked the wealthiest, aristocratic classes. Provincial Americans, often seen by their London peers as less cultivated or “backwater,” could present themselves as lords and ladies of their own communities by purchasing and displaying British-made goods. Visiting the home of a successful businessman in Boston, John Adams described “the Furniture, which alone cost a thousand Pounds sterling. A seat it is for a noble Man, a Prince. The Turkey Carpets, the painted Hangings, the Marble Table, the rich Beds with crimson Damask Curtains and Counterpins, the beautiful Chimney Clock, the Spacious Garden, are the most magnificent of any thing I have seen.” But many Americans worried about the consequences of rising consumerism. A writer for the Boston Evening Post remarked on this new practice of purchasing status: “For ’tis well known how Credit is a mighty inducement with many People to purchase this and the other Thing which they may well enough do without.” Americans became more likely to find themselves in debt, whether to their local shopkeeper or a prominent London merchant, creating new feelings of dependence.

大西洋两岸的商家不仅推销他们的商品，还承诺可以获得信用贷款。稳定的信贷供应使得普通家庭也能购买以前只有精英阶层才买得起的消费品。低价消费使得中产阶级的美国人能够跟上贵族阶层在服装、食物和家居装饰等方面的潮流。伦敦同行们经常认为美国的殖民者不够“文化”或“落后”，但通过购买和展示英国产品，省级的美国人可以在自己的社区中呈现出贵族的风采。例如，访问波士顿一位成功商人的家时，约翰·亚当斯描述道：“单是家具就花了一千英镑。这是一个贵族的住所，甚至是一个王子的住所。土耳其地毯、彩绘挂毯、大理石桌、带有绯红色锦缎帘和床罩的豪华床、美丽的壁炉钟、宽敞的花园，都是我见过的最壮丽的东西。”然而，许多美国人对日益增长的消费主义表示担忧。一位《波士顿晚报》的作家评论这种通过购买来展示地位的新做法：“因为众所周知，信用是一种强大的诱因，使许多人购买他们完全可以不买的东西。”随着消费主义的兴起，美国人变得更加容易陷入债务，无论是欠当地商店老板的钱，还是欠伦敦显赫商人的钱，这都带来了新的依赖感。

Of course, the thirteen continental colonies were not the only British colonies in the Western Hemisphere. In fact, they were considerably less important to the Crown than the sugar-producing islands of the Caribbean, including Jamaica, Barbados, the Leeward Islands, Grenada, St. Vincent, and Dominica. These British colonies were also inextricably connected to the continental colonies. Caribbean plantations dedicated nearly all of their land to the wildly profitable crop of sugarcane, so North American colonies sold surplus food and raw materials to these wealthy island colonies. Lumber was in high demand, especially in Barbados, where planters nearly deforested the island to make room for sugar plantations. To compensate for a lack of lumber, Barbadian colonists ordered house frames from New England. These prefabricated frames were sent via ships from which planters transported them to their plantations. Caribbean colonists also relied on the continental colonies for livestock, purchasing cattle and horses. The most lucrative exchange was the slave trade.

当然，十三个大陆殖民地并不是英国在西半球的唯一殖民地。事实上，英国王室对它们的重视程度远低于加勒比地区的制糖岛屿，如牙买加、巴巴多斯、背风群岛、格林纳达、圣文森特和多米尼加。这些英国殖民地与大陆殖民地密不可分。由于加勒比地区的种植园几乎全部用来种植极其有利可图的甘蔗作物，北美殖民地则向这些富裕的岛屿殖民地出售剩余的粮食和原材料。木材在加勒比地区需求量很大，尤其是巴巴多斯，种植园主几乎砍光了整个岛上的森林以腾出空间种植甘蔗。为了弥补木材短缺，巴巴多斯的殖民者从新英格兰订购了房屋框架。这些预制框架通过船只运送，种植园主再将它们转移到自己的种植园。加勒比殖民者还依赖大陆殖民地提供牲畜，购买牛和马。而最为有利可图的交换则是奴隶贸易。

Connections between the Caribbean and North America benefited both sides. Those living on the continent relied on the Caribbean colonists to satisfy their craving for sugar and other goods like mahogany. British colonists in the Caribbean began cultivating sugar in the 1640s, and sugar took the Atlantic World by storm. In fact, by 1680, sugar exports from the tiny island of Barbados valued more than the total exports of all the continental colonies. Jamaica, acquired by the Crown in 1655, surpassed Barbados in sugar production toward the end of the seventeenth century. North American colonists, like Britons around the world, craved sugar to sweeten their tea and food. Colonial elites also sought to decorate their parlors and dining rooms with the silky, polished surfaces of rare mahogany as opposed to local wood. While the bulk of this in-demand material went to Britain and Europe, New England merchants imported the wood from the Caribbean, where it was then transformed into exquisite furniture for those who could afford it.

加勒比地区与北美之间的联系使双方都受益。生活在大陆上的人依赖加勒比殖民者满足他们对糖和其他商品（如桃花心木）的渴望。英国殖民者在加勒比地区于1640年代开始种植糖，这种作物迅速席卷大西洋世界。实际上，到1680年，来自小岛巴巴多斯的糖出口的价值超过了所有大陆殖民地的总出口价值。在1655年被王室收归麾下的牙买加，在17世纪末超越了巴巴多斯，成为糖生产的领头羊。北美殖民者和全球的英国人一样，渴望用糖来为茶和食物增添甜味。殖民地的精英们还希望用光滑、抛光的稀有桃花心木装饰他们的客厅和餐厅，而不是使用当地木材。尽管这种需求量大的材料大部分运往英国和欧洲，但新英格兰的商人则从加勒比地区进口木材，随后将其加工成精美的家具，供那些能够负担得起的人使用。

These systems of trade all existed with the purpose of enriching Great Britain. To ensure that profits ended up in Britain, Parliament issued taxes on trade under the Navigation Acts. These taxes intertwined consumption with politics. Prior to 1763, Britain found that enforcing the regulatory laws they passed was difficult and often cost them more than the duty revenue they would bring in. As a result, colonists found it relatively easy to violate the law and trade with foreign nations, pirates, or smugglers. Customs officials were easily bribed and it was not uncommon to see Dutch, French, or West Indies ships laden with prohibited goods in American ports. When smugglers were caught, their American peers often acquitted them. British officials estimated that nearly £700,000 worth of illicit goods was brought into the American colonies annually. Pirates also helped to perpetuate the illegal trading activities by providing a buffer between merchants and foreign ships.

这些贸易体系的存在都是为了使大英帝国获利。为了确保利润流入英国，国会根据《航海法》对贸易征收税款。这些税收将消费与政治交织在一起。在1763年之前，英国发现执行他们所制定的监管法律十分困难，且往往花费的成本超过了所能带来的税收收入。因此，殖民地居民发现违反法律与外国、海盗或走私者进行贸易相对容易。海关官员很容易被贿赂，荷兰、法国或西印度群岛的船只装载禁运商品在美洲港口并不罕见。当走私者被抓住时，他们的美国同胞往往会对他们无罪释放。英国官员估计，每年约有价值70万英镑的非法商品被引入美洲殖民地。海盗也帮助维持这些非法贸易活动，通过在商人和外国船只之间提供缓冲。

Beginning with the Sugar Act in 1764, and continuing with the Stamp Act and the Townshend Acts, Parliament levied taxes on sugar, paper, lead, glass, and tea, all products that contributed to colonists’ sense of gentility. In response, patriots organized nonimportation agreements and reverted to domestic products. Homespun cloth became a political statement. A writer in the Essex Gazette in 1769 proclaimed, “I presume there never was a Time when, or a Place where, the Spinning Wheel could more influence the Affairs of Men, than at present.”

从1764年的《糖法》开始，国会继续通过《印花法》和《汤森德法案》，对糖、纸张、铅、玻璃和茶等产品征税，这些产品都与殖民地居民的绅士气息密切相关。作为回应，爱国者们组织了非进口协议，转而使用本土产品。自制布料成为一种政治宣言。1769年，《埃塞克斯公报》上的一位作家宣称：“我想没有哪个时期或地点，纺车能比现在更能影响人们的事务。”

The consumer revolution fueled the growth of colonial cities. Cities in colonial America were crossroads for the movement of people and goods. One in twenty colonists lived in cities by 1775. Some cities grew organically over time, while others were planned from the start. New York’s and Boston’s seventeenth-century street plans reflected the haphazard arrangement of medieval cities in Europe. In other cities like Philadelphia and Charleston, civic leaders laid out urban plans according to calculated systems of regular blocks and squares. Planners in Annapolis and Williamsburg also imposed regularity and order over their city streets through the placement of government, civic, and educational buildings.

消费者革命推动了殖民城市的增长。殖民美洲的城市是人们和商品流动的交汇点。到1775年，每20名殖民者中就有1人居住在城市中。有些城市随着时间的推移自然发展，而另一些则从一开始就是经过规划的。纽约和波士顿的十七世纪街道规划反映了欧洲中世纪城市的杂乱无章。而在费城和查尔斯顿等其他城市，市政领导根据精心设计的规则系统来规划城市，形成了规则的街区和广场。安纳波利斯和威廉斯堡的规划者也通过政府、公共和教育建筑的布局在城市街道上施加了规律性和秩序。

By 1775, Boston, Newport, New York, Philadelphia, and Charleston were the five largest cities in British North America. Philadelphia, New York, Boston, and Charleston had populations of approximately 40,000, 25,000, 16,000, and 12,000 people, respectively. Urban society was highly stratified. At the base of the social ladder were the laboring classes, which included both enslaved and free people ranging from apprentices to master craftsmen. Next came the middling sort: shopkeepers, artisans, and skilled mariners. Above them stood the merchant elites, who tended to be actively involved in the city’s social and political affairs, as well as in the buying, selling, and trading of goods. Enslaved men and women had a visible presence in both northern and southern cities.

到1775年，波士顿、纽波特、纽约、费城和查尔斯顿成为英国北美最大的五个城市。费城、纽约、波士顿和查尔斯顿的人口分别约为40,000、25,000、16,000和12,000。城市社会高度分层。社会底层是劳动阶级，包括奴隶和自由人，从学徒到工匠都在其中。接下来是中产阶级，包括店主、工匠和熟练的水手。在他们之上是商人精英，他们通常积极参与城市的社会和政治事务，以及商品的买卖和交易。奴隶男性和女性在北方和南方城市中都具有明显的存在。

The bulk of the enslaved population lived in rural areas and performed agricultural labor. In port cities, enslaved laborers often worked as domestic servants and in skilled trades: distilleries, shipyards, lumberyards, and ropewalks. Between 1725 and 1775, slavery became increasingly significant in the northern colonies as urban residents sought greater participation in the maritime economy. Massachusetts was the first slave-holding colony in New England. New York traced its connections to slavery and the slave trade back to the Dutch settlers of New Netherland in the seventeenth century. Philadelphia also became an active site of the Atlantic slave trade, and enslaved people accounted for nearly 8 percent of the city’s population in 1770. In southern cities, including Charleston, urban slavery played an important role in the market economy. Enslaved people, both rural and urban, made up the majority of the laboring population on the eve of the American Revolution.

绝大多数的奴隶人口居住在农村，进行农业劳动。在港口城市，奴隶劳工通常担任家庭仆人和技术工种的工作，如酿酒厂、造船厂、木材厂和绳索制造厂。在1725年至1775年间，随着城市居民寻求更大程度参与海洋经济，奴隶制在北方殖民地变得越来越重要。马萨诸塞州是新英格兰第一个拥有奴隶制的殖民地。纽约的奴隶制及奴隶贸易可以追溯到十七世纪的荷兰新荷兰定居者。费城也成为大西洋奴隶贸易的一个重要地点，到1770年，奴隶人口几乎占该市人口的8%。在南方城市，包括查尔斯顿，城市奴隶制在市场经济中发挥了重要作用。无论是农村还是城市，奴隶人群在美国独立战争前夕构成了劳动人口的主要部分。

III. Slavery, Anti-Slavery and Atlantic Exchange

三、奴隶制、反奴隶制与跨大西洋交流

Slavery was a transatlantic institution, but it developed distinct characteristics in British North America. By 1750, slavery was legal in every North American colony, but local economic imperatives, demographic trends, and cultural practices all contributed to distinct colonial variants of slavery.

奴隶制是一个跨大西洋的制度，但在英国北美的发展具有独特的特征。到1750年，奴隶制在北美的每个殖民地都是合法的，但当地经济需求、人口趋势和文化习俗都促成了奴隶制的不同殖民地变体。

Virginia, the oldest of the English mainland colonies, imported its first enslaved laborers in 1619. Virginia planters built larger and larger estates and guaranteed that these estates would remain intact through the use of primogeniture (in which a family’s estate would descend to the eldest male heir) and the entail (a legal procedure that prevented the breakup and sale of estates). This distribution of property, which kept wealth and property consolidated, guaranteed that the great planters would dominate social and economic life in the Chesapeake. This system also fostered an economy dominated by tobacco. By 1750, there were approximately one hundred thousand enslaved Africans in Virginia, at least 40 percent of the colony’s total population. Most of these enslaved people worked on large estates under the gang system of labor, working from dawn to dusk in groups with close supervision by a white overseer or enslaved “driver” who could use physical force to compel labor.

弗吉尼亚是英国大陆最古老的殖民地，于1619年首次引入奴隶劳动者。弗吉尼亚的种植园主不断扩大他们的庄园，并通过长子继承制（家庭财产传给长子）和遗赠限制（防止财产分割和出售的法律程序）来确保这些庄园的完整性。这种财产分配方式保持了财富和财产的集中，保证了大种植园主在切萨皮克地区的社会和经济生活中占据主导地位。这一制度也促进了以烟草为主导的经济。到1750年，弗吉尼亚约有十万名被奴役的非洲人，占殖民地总人口的至少40%。这些奴隶大多数在大型庄园中以“班组制度”进行劳动，从黎明工作到黄昏，工作时由白人监工或能够使用暴力迫使劳动的奴隶“驱动者”进行严格监督。

Virginians used the law to protect the interests of enslavers. In 1705 the House of Burgesses passed its first comprehensive slave code. Earlier laws had already guaranteed that the children of enslaved women would be born enslaved, conversion to Christianity would not lead to freedom, and enslavers could not free their enslaved laborers unless they transported them out of the colony. Enslavers could not be convicted of murder for killing an enslaved person; conversely, any Black Virginian who struck a white colonist would be severely whipped. Virginia planters used the law to maximize the profitability of their enslaved laborers and closely regulate every aspect of their daily lives.

弗吉尼亚人利用法律来保护奴隶主的利益。1705年，弗吉尼亚州的选民代表大会通过了首个全面的奴隶法典。早期的法律已确保被奴役女性的子女会出生为奴，皈依基督教不会导致获得自由，并且奴隶主除非将被奴役劳动者运出殖民地，否则不能解放他们。奴隶主杀死被奴役者不会被控谋杀；相反，任何袭击白人殖民者的黑人弗吉尼亚人都将遭到严厉鞭打。弗吉尼亚的种植园主利用法律最大化被奴役劳动者的利润，并严格监管他们日常生活的方方面面。

In South Carolina and Georgia, slavery was also central to colonial life, but specific local conditions created a very different system. Georgia was founded a philanthropic group that included James Oglethorpe. The trustees originally banned slavery from the colony. But by 1750, slavery was legal throughout the region. South Carolina had been a slave colony from its founding and, by 1750, was the only mainland colony with a majority enslaved African population. The Fundamental Constitutions of Carolina, coauthored by the philosopher John Locke in 1669, explicitly legalized slavery from the very beginning. Many early settlers in Carolina were enslavers from British Caribbean sugar islands, and they brought their brutal slave codes with them. Defiant enslaved people could legally be beaten, branded, mutilated, even castrated. In 1740 a new law stated that killing a rebellious enslaved person was not a crime and even the murder of an enslaved person was treated as a minor misdemeanor. South Carolina also banned the freeing of enslaved laborers unless the freed person left the colony.

在南卡罗来纳州和乔治亚州，奴隶制同样是殖民生活的核心，但具体的地方条件却创造了截然不同的制度。乔治亚州是由包括詹姆斯·奥格尔索普在内的慈善团体创立的。最初，托管者禁止该殖民地实行奴隶制。但到1750年，整个地区的奴隶制已合法化。南卡罗来纳州从建立之初就是一个奴隶殖民地，到1750年，已成为唯一一个奴隶非洲人占多数的大陆殖民地。1669年，哲学家约翰·洛克共同撰写的《卡罗来纳基本宪法》从一开始就明确合法化了奴隶制。许多早期的卡罗来纳定居者是来自英国加勒比糖岛的奴隶主，他们随身携带了残酷的奴隶法典。反抗的被奴役者可以合法地遭到鞭打、烙印、肢解，甚至阉割。1740年，一项新法律规定，杀死叛乱的被奴役者不算犯罪，甚至杀害被奴役者也只被视为轻微犯罪。南卡罗来纳州还禁止解放被奴役劳动者，除非被解放者离开殖民地。

Despite this brutal regime, a number of factors combined to give enslaved people in South Carolina more independence in their daily lives. Rice, the staple crop underpinning the early Carolina economy, was widely cultivated in West Africa, and planters commonly requested that merchants sell them enslaved laborers skilled in the complex process of rice cultivation. Enslaved people from Senegambia were particularly prized.13 The expertise of these enslaved people contributed to one of the most lucrative economies in the colonies. The swampy conditions of rice plantations, however, fostered dangerous diseases. Malaria and other tropical diseases spread and caused many enslavers to live away from their plantations. These elites, who commonly owned a number of plantations, typically lived in Charleston town houses to avoid the diseases of the rice fields. West Africans, however, were far more likely to have a level of immunity to malaria (due to a genetic trait that also contributes to higher levels of sickle cell anemia), reinforcing planters’ racial belief that Africans were particularly suited to labor in tropical environments.

尽管这一残酷的制度存在，多个因素共同使南卡罗来纳州的被奴役者在日常生活中拥有更多的独立性。大米，作为早期卡罗来纳经济的主要作物，在西非广泛种植，种植者通常要求商人出售熟悉复杂大米种植过程的被奴役劳动者。来自塞内加尔-冈比亚地区的被奴役者尤其受到青睐。这些被奴役者的专业技能促进了殖民地最有利可图的经济之一。然而，大米种植园的沼泽条件容易滋生危险的疾病。疟疾和其他热带疾病的传播使许多奴隶主不得不远离他们的种植园。这些通常拥有多处种植园的精英阶层通常居住在查尔斯顿的市区，以避免接触到稻田的疾病。然而，西非人更有可能对疟疾具有一定的免疫力（这与一种遗传特征有关，该特征也导致镰刀型细胞贫血的发病率较高），进一步强化了种植者的种族观念，认为非洲人特别适合在热带环境中劳动。

With plantation owners often far from home, Carolina enslaved laborers had less direct oversight than those in the Chesapeake. Furthermore, many Carolina rice plantations used the task system to organize enslaved laborers. Under this system, enslaved laborers were given a number of specific tasks to complete in a day. Once those tasks were complete, enslaved people often had time to grow their own crops on garden plots allotted by their enslavers. Thriving underground markets allowed enslaved people here a degree of economic autonomy. Enslaved people in Carolina also had an unparalleled degree of cultural autonomy. This autonomy coupled with the frequent arrival of new Africans enabled a culture that retained many African practices. Syncretic languages like Gullah and Geechee contained many borrowed African terms, and traditional African basket weaving (often combined with Native American techniques) survives in the region to this day.

由于种植园主通常远离家园，卡罗来纳州的被奴役劳动者受到的直接监督较少，与切萨皮克地区的情况相比。此外，许多卡罗来纳的大米种植园采用了任务制来组织被奴役劳动者。在这一制度下，被奴役劳动者每天被分配一定数量的具体任务。一旦完成这些任务，他们往往可以利用被奴役者划拨的花园地块来种植自己的作物。繁荣的地下市场使得这里的被奴役者获得了一定的经济自主权。卡罗来纳的被奴役者还享有前所未有的文化自主权。这种自主权与新非洲人频繁到来相结合，促成了一种保留了许多非洲传统的文化。比如，像古拉和吉奇这样的混合语言中包含了许多借用的非洲词汇，而传统的非洲编织篮子（常常结合了美洲土著技术）至今仍在该地区存续。

This unique Lowcountry culture contributed to the Stono Rebellion in September 1739. On a Sunday morning while planters attended church, a group of about eighty enslaved people set out for Spanish Florida under a banner that read “Liberty!,” burning plantations and killing at least twenty white settlers as they marched. They were headed for Fort Mose, a free Black settlement on the Georgia-Florida border, emboldened by the Spanish Empire’s offer of freedom to anyone enslaved by the English. The local militia defeated the rebels in battle, captured and executed many of the enslaved people, and sold others to the sugar plantations of the West Indies. Though the rebellion was ultimately unsuccessful, it was a violent reminder that enslaved people would fight for freedom.

这种独特的低地文化促成了1739年9月的斯托诺叛乱。在一个星期天早晨，当种植园主们参加教堂礼拜时，约八十名被奴役者在一面写着“自由！”的旗帜下出发，朝西班牙佛罗里达前进，沿途焚烧种植园并杀死至少二十名白人定居者。他们的目标是摩西堡，这是一处位于乔治亚州和佛罗里达州边界的自由黑人聚居地。西班牙帝国向任何被英人奴役的人提供自由，这使得叛乱者更加勇敢。当地民兵在战斗中击败了叛军，捕获并处决了许多被奴役者，还有一些人则被卖往西印度群岛的糖种植园。尽管叛乱最终未能成功，但它以暴力的方式提醒人们，被奴役者愿意为自由而战。

Slavery was also an important institution in the mid-Atlantic colonies. While New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania never developed plantation economies, enslaved laborers were often employed on larger farms growing cereal grains. Enslaved Africans worked alongside European tenant farmers on New York’s Hudson Valley “patroonships,” huge tracts of land granted to a few early Dutch families. As previously mentioned, enslaved people were also a common sight in Philadelphia, New York City, and other ports where they worked in the maritime trades and domestic service. New York City’s economy was so reliant on slavery that over 40 percent of its population was enslaved by 1700, while 15 to 20 percent of Pennsylvania’s colonial population was enslaved by 1750.15 In New York, the high density of enslaved people and a particularly diverse European population increased the threat of rebellion. A 1712 slave rebellion in New York City resulted in the deaths of nine white colonists. In retribution, twenty-one enslaved people were executed and six others died by suicide before they could be burned alive. In 1741, authorities uncovered another planned rebellion by enslaved Africans and poor Black and white men. Panic unleashed a witch hunt that only stopped after thirty-two Black men, both enslaved and free, were executed alongside five poor white men. Another seventy were deported, likely to the sugarcane fields of the West Indies.

奴隶制在中大西洋殖民地也是一个重要的制度。虽然纽约、新泽西和宾夕法尼亚州从未发展出种植园经济，但在大型农场种植谷物的过程中，常常雇用被奴役者。被奴役的非洲人和欧洲佃农在纽约的哈德逊河谷“主人地”上共同工作，这些大片土地是授予少数早期荷兰家族的。如前所述，费城、纽约市以及其他港口的被奴役者也随处可见，他们在海洋贸易和家庭服务中工作。到1700年，纽约市的经济对奴隶制的依赖程度如此之高，以至于其人口中有超过40%是被奴役者，而到1750年，宾夕法尼亚州殖民地人口中有15%到20%是被奴役者。在纽约，高密度的被奴役者和特别多样化的欧洲人口增加了叛乱的威胁。1712年，纽约市发生的奴隶叛乱导致九名白人殖民者死亡。作为报复，二十一名被奴役者被处决，另有六人自杀以避免被活活烧死。1741年，当局揭露了另一场由被奴役的非洲人及贫穷的黑人和白人男子策划的叛乱。恐慌引发了一场猎巫行动，直到三十二名黑人男子（无论是被奴役的还是自由的）与五名贫穷的白人一起被处决后才停止。另有七十人被驱逐，可能被送往西印度群岛的甘蔗田。

Increasingly uneasy about the growth of slavery in the region, Quakers were the first group to turn against slavery. Quaker beliefs in radical nonviolence and the fundamental equality of all human souls made slavery hard to justify. Most commentators argued that slavery originated in war, where captives were enslaved rather than executed. To pacifist Quakers, then, the very foundation of slavery was illegitimate. Furthermore, Quaker belief in the equality of souls challenged the racial basis of slavery. By 1758, Quakers in Pennsylvania disowned members who engaged in the slave trade, and by 1772 slave-owning Quakers could be expelled from their meetings. These local activities in Pennsylvania had broad implications as the decision to ban slavery and slave trading was debated in Quaker meetings throughout the English-speaking world. The free Black population in Philadelphia and other northern cities also continually agitated against slavery.

对该地区奴隶制日益增长的担忧使得贵格会成为第一个反对奴隶制的团体。贵格会的信仰强调根本的非暴力和所有人类灵魂的平等，使得奴隶制难以辩解。大多数评论者认为，奴隶制起源于战争，战俘被奴役而不是被处决。因此，对于和平主义的贵格会来说，奴隶制的基础本身就是不合法的。此外，贵格会对灵魂平等的信仰挑战了奴隶制的种族基础。到1758年，宾夕法尼亚州的贵格会开始与参与奴隶贸易的成员决裂，到了1772年，拥有奴隶的贵格会成员可能会被逐出会议。这些在宾夕法尼亚的地方活动具有广泛的影响，因为在英语国家的贵格会议上，禁止奴隶制和奴隶贸易的决定正受到辩论。费城和其他北方城市的自由黑人群体也不断对奴隶制进行抗议。

Slavery as a system of labor never took off in Massachusetts, Connecticut, or New Hampshire, though it was legal throughout the region. The absence of cash crops like tobacco or rice minimized the economic use of slavery. In Massachusetts, only about 2 percent of the population was enslaved as late as the 1760s. The few enslaved people in the colony were concentrated in Boston along with a sizable free Black community that made up about 10 percent of the city’s population. While slavery itself never really took root in New England, the slave trade was a central element of the region’s economy. Every major port in the region participated to some extent in the transatlantic trade—Newport, Rhode Island, alone had at least 150 ships active in the trade by 1740—and New England also provided foodstuffs and manufactured goods to West Indian plantations.

虽然奴隶制在马萨诸塞州、康涅狄格州和新罕布什尔州是合法的，但作为劳动制度却从未在这些地区蓬勃发展。缺乏烟草或大米等现金作物使得奴隶制的经济效用降至最低。到1760年代，马萨诸塞州的奴隶人口仅占约2%。该殖民地的少数奴隶主要集中在波士顿，那里还有一个规模可观的自由黑人社区，约占城市人口的10%。虽然奴隶制本身在新英格兰并未真正扎根，但奴隶贸易却是该地区经济的核心要素。该地区的每个主要港口在一定程度上都参与了跨大西洋贸易——仅在1740年，罗德岛的纽波特就有至少150艘船活跃于该贸易中，新英格兰还向西印度群岛的种植园提供粮食和制造商品。

IV. Pursuing Political, Religious and Individual Freedom

四、追求政治、宗教和个人自由

Consumption, trade, and slavery drew the colonies closer to Great Britain, but politics and government split them further apart. Democracy in Europe more closely resembled oligarchies rather than republics, with only elite members of society eligible to serve in elected positions. Most European states did not hold regular elections, with Britain and the Dutch Republic being the two major exceptions. However, even in these countries, only a tiny portion of males could vote. In the North American colonies, by contrast, white male suffrage was far more widespread. In addition to having greater popular involvement, colonial government also had more power in a variety of areas. Assemblies and legislatures regulated businesses, imposed new taxes, cared for the poor in their communities, built roads and bridges, and made most decisions concerning education. Colonial Americans sued often, which in turn led to more power for local judges and more prestige in jury service. Thus, lawyers became extremely important in American society and in turn played a greater role in American politics.

消费、贸易和奴隶制将殖民地与大不列颠联系得更加紧密，但政治和政府却使它们愈发疏远。欧洲的民主更像是寡头政治，而非共和制，只有社会的精英成员有资格担任公职。大多数欧洲国家并没有定期选举，英国和荷兰共和国是两个主要的例外。然而，即便在这两个国家，能够投票的男性比例也微乎其微。相比之下，在北美殖民地，白人男性的选举权更为广泛。除了更大程度的公众参与外，殖民地政府在多个领域也拥有更大的权力。议会和立法机构监管商业，征收新税，关心社区贫困人口，修建道路和桥梁，并对教育做出大多数决策。殖民地的美国人经常提起诉讼，这反过来又增强了地方法官的权力以及陪审团服务的威望。因此，律师在美国社会中变得极为重要，并在美国政治中发挥了更大的作用。

American society was less tightly controlled than European society. This led to the rise of various interest groups, each at odds with the other. These various interest groups arose based on commonalities in various areas. Some commonalities arose over class-based distinctions, while others were due to ethnic or religious ties. One of the major differences between modern politics and colonial political culture was the lack of distinct, stable political parties. The most common disagreement in colonial politics was between the elected assemblies and the royal governor. Generally, the various colonial legislatures were divided into factions who either supported or opposed the current governor’s political ideology.

美国社会的控制程度低于欧洲社会。这导致了各种利益集团的兴起，这些集团之间常常存在冲突。这些不同的利益集团是基于各个领域的共同点而形成的。有些共同点源于阶级差异，而其他则因种族或宗教纽带而产生。现代政治与殖民地政治文化之间的一个主要区别是缺乏明显且稳定的政党。在殖民地政治中，最常见的争论是在选举产生的议会和皇家总督之间。通常，各个殖民地的立法机构会分为支持或反对现任总督政治理念的派系。

Political structures in the colonies fell under one of three main categories: provincial (New Hampshire, New York, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia), proprietary (Pennsylvania, Delaware, New Jersey, and Maryland), and charter (Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and Connecticut). Provincial colonies were the most tightly controlled by the Crown. The British king appointed all provincial governors and these Crown governors could veto any decision made by their colony’s legislative assemblies. Proprietary colonies had a similar structure, with one important difference: governors were appointed by a lord proprietor, an individual who had purchased or received the rights to the colony from the Crown. Proprietary colonies therefore often had more freedoms and liberties than other North American colonies. Charter colonies had the most complex system of government: they were formed by political corporations or interest groups that drew up a charter clearly delineating powers between the executive, legislative, and judiciary branches of government. Rather than having appointed governors, charter colonies elected their own from among property-owning men in the colony.

殖民地的政治结构分为三大类：省级殖民地（新罕布什尔州、纽约、维吉尼亚州、北卡罗来纳州、南卡罗来纳州和乔治亚州）、专有殖民地（宾夕法尼亚州、特拉华州、新泽西州和马里兰州）以及特许殖民地（马萨诸塞州、罗德岛州和康涅狄格州）。省级殖民地受到王室的最严格控制。英国国王任命所有省级州长，而这些王室任命的州长可以否决殖民地立法机构做出的任何决定。专有殖民地有类似的结构，但有一个重要的区别：州长由一位领主（lord proprietor）任命，领主是从王室购买或获得殖民地权利的个人。因此，专有殖民地通常比其他北美殖民地享有更多的自由和权利。特许殖民地则有最复杂的政府体系：它们由政治公司或利益集团组成，这些集团制定了一份章程，明确划分政府的行政、立法和司法权力。特许殖民地的州长不是由任命产生，而是从殖民地的财产拥有者中选举产生。

After the governor, colonial government was broken down into two main divisions: the council and the assembly. The council was essentially the governor’s cabinet, often composed of prominent individuals within the colony, such as the head of the militia or the attorney general. The governor appointed these men, although the appointments were often subject to approval from Parliament. The assembly was composed of elected, property-owning men whose official goal was to ensure that colonial law conformed to English law. The colonial assemblies approved new taxes and the colonial budgets. However, many of these assemblies saw it as their duty to check the power of the governor and ensure that he did not take too much power within colonial government. Unlike Parliament, most of the men who were elected to an assembly came from local districts, with their constituency able to hold their elected officials accountable to promises made.

在州长之后，殖民地政府主要分为两个部门：顾问委员会和议会。顾问委员会本质上是州长的内阁，通常由殖民地内的知名人士组成，例如民兵首领或检察长。州长任命这些成员，但这些任命通常需要得到议会的批准。议会则由选举产生的财产拥有者组成，他们的正式目标是确保殖民地法律符合英国法律。殖民地议会批准新的税收和殖民地预算。然而，许多议会认为有责任制衡州长的权力，以确保州长在殖民地政府中不会掌握过多的权力。与议会不同，绝大多数当选议会的男性来自当地地区，其选区能够对当选官员履行承诺进行监督。

An elected assembly was an offshoot of the idea of civic duty, the notion that men had a responsibility to support and uphold the government through voting, paying taxes, and service in the militia. Americans firmly accepted the idea of a social contract, the idea that government was put in place by the people. Philosophers such as Thomas Hobbes and John Locke pioneered this idea, and there is evidence to suggest that these writers influenced the colonists. While in practice elites controlled colonial politics, in theory many colonists believed in the notion of equality before the law and opposed special treatment for any members of colonial society.

选举议会是公民责任观念的衍生，认为男性有责任通过投票、缴纳税款和参与民兵服务来支持和维护政府。美国人坚定地接受社会契约的观念，即政府是由人民建立的。哲学家如霍布斯和洛克开创了这一思想，并有证据表明这些作家的观点影响了殖民者。尽管在实践中精英阶层控制了殖民地政治，但在理论上，许多殖民者相信法律面前的平等，并反对对任何殖民社会成员的特殊待遇。

Whether African Americans, Native Americans, and women would be included in this notion of equality before the law was far less clear. Women’s role in the family became particularly complicated. Many historians view this period as a significant time of transition. Anglo-American families during the colonial period differed from their European counterparts. Widely available land and plentiful natural resources allowed for greater fertility and thus encouraged more people to marry earlier in life. Yet while young marriages and large families were common throughout the colonial period, family sizes started to shrink by the end of the 1700s as wives asserted more control over their own bodies.

是否将非裔美国人、印第安人和女性纳入法律面前的平等概念中则不太明确。女性在家庭中的角色变得特别复杂。许多历史学家将这一时期视为重要的过渡期。殖民时期的盎格鲁-美国家庭与他们的欧洲同行有所不同。土地和自然资源的广泛可得性促进了生育率，因此鼓励更多人早婚。然而，尽管年轻婚姻和大家庭在整个殖民时期都很普遍，但到18世纪末，家庭规模开始缩小，因为妻子们开始对自己的身体有了更多的控制权。

New ideas governing romantic love helped change the nature of husband-wife relationships. Deriving from sentimentalism, a contemporary literary movement, many Americans began to view marriage as an emotionally fulfilling relationship rather than a strictly economic partnership. Referring to one another as “Beloved of my Soul” or “My More Than Friend,” newspaper editor John Fenno and his wife Mary Curtis Fenno illustrate what some historians refer to as the “companionate ideal.” While away from his wife, John felt a “vacuum in my existence,” a sentiment returned by Mary’s “Doting Heart.” Indeed, after independence, wives began to not only provide emotional sustenance to their husbands but inculcate the principles of republican citizenship as “republican wives.”

关于浪漫爱情的新观念帮助改变了夫妻关系的性质。这一观念源于当时的文学运动——感伤主义，许多美国人开始将婚姻视为一种情感充实的关系，而不仅仅是严格意义上的经济伙伴关系。报纸编辑约翰·芬诺和他的妻子玛丽·卡特斯·芬诺互相称呼对方为“我灵魂的挚爱”或“我的挚友”，这展示了历史学家所称的“伴侣理想”。当约翰远离妻子时，他感到“生活中有一种空虚”，而玛丽则以“宠爱之心”回应了这种情感。确实，在独立后，妻子们开始不仅为丈夫提供情感支持，还作为“共和妻子”灌输共和公民的原则。

Marriage opened up new emotional realms for some but remained oppressive for others. For the millions of Americans bound in chattel slavery, marriage remained an informal arrangement rather than a codified legal relationship. For white women, the legal practice of coverture meant that women lost all their political and economic rights to their husband. Divorce rates rose throughout the 1790s, as did less formal cases of abandonment. Newspapers published advertisements by deserted men and women denouncing their partners. Known as “elopement notices,” they cataloged the misbehaviors of deviant spouses, such as wives’ “indecent manner,” a way of implying sexual impropriety. As violence and inequality continued in many American marriages, wives in return highlighted their husbands’ “drunken fits” and violent rages. One woman noted that her partner “presented his gun at my breast . . . and swore he would kill me.”

婚姻为一些人打开了新的情感领域，但对另一些人来说仍然是压迫的。对于数百万身处奴隶制度中的美国人来说，婚姻仍然是一种非正式的安排，而不是一种法定的法律关系。对于白人女性来说，法定的共同财产制度意味着女性失去了所有的政治和经济权利，全部归于丈夫。在1790年代，离婚率上升，非正式的遗弃案例也有所增加。报纸上刊登了被遗弃的男女的广告，指责他们的伴侣。这些广告被称为“私奔通知”，列举了不忠配偶的不当行为，例如妻子们的“不得体行为”，暗示着性的不端。随着暴力和不平等在许多美国婚姻中持续存在，妻子们则强调丈夫的“醉酒发作”和暴力愤怒。一位女性提到她的伴侣“将枪口对准我的胸口……并发誓要杀了我。”

That couples would turn to newspapers as a source of expression illustrates the importance of what historians call print culture.24 Print culture includes the wide range of factors contributing to how books and other printed objects are made, including the relationship between the author and the publisher, the technical constraints of the printer, and the tastes of readers. In colonial America, regional differences in daily life impacted the way colonists made and used printed matter. However, all the colonies dealt with threats of censorship and control from imperial supervision. In particular, political content stirred the most controversy.

情侣们将报纸作为表达渠道，这反映了历史学家所称的印刷文化的重要性。印刷文化包括影响书籍及其他印刷物品制作的各种因素，包括作者与出版商之间的关系、印刷商的技术限制以及读者的口味。在殖民地时期的美国，各个地区日常生活的差异影响了殖民者制作和使用印刷材料的方式。然而，所有殖民地都面临着来自帝国监督的审查和控制的威胁。尤其是，政治内容引发了最多的争议。

From the establishment of Virginia in 1607, printing was either regarded as unnecessary given such harsh living conditions or actively discouraged. The governor of Virginia, Sir William Berkeley, summed up the attitude of the ruling class in 1671: “I thank God there are no free schools nor printing . . . for learning has brought disobedience, and heresy . . . and printing has divulged them.” Ironically, the circulation of handwritten tracts contributed to Berkeley’s undoing. The popularity of Nathaniel Bacon’s uprising was in part due to widely circulated tracts questioning Berkeley’s competence. Berkeley’s harsh repression of Bacon’s Rebellion was equally well documented. It was only after Berkeley’s death in 1677 that the idea of printing in the southern colonies was revived. William Nuthead, an experienced English printer, set up shop in 1682, although the next governor of the colony, Thomas Culpeper, forbade Nuthead from completing a single project. It wasn’t until William Parks set up his printing shop in Annapolis in 1726 that the Chesapeake had a stable local trade in printing and books.

从1607年弗吉尼亚建立之初，印刷业要么被视为在如此恶劣的生存条件下不必要，要么受到积极的抑制。弗吉尼亚州长威廉·伯克利爵士在1671年总结了统治阶级的态度：“感谢上帝，没有免费的学校和印刷……因为学习带来了不服从和异端……而印刷则传播了这些观点。”讽刺的是，手写小册子的传播促成了伯克利的垮台。纳撒尼尔·贝acon的起义部分是由于广泛流传的小册子质疑伯克利的能力。伯克利对贝acon叛乱的严厉镇压也被详细记录。直到1677年伯克利去世后，南方殖民地的印刷理念才得到复兴。经验丰富的英格兰印刷工威廉·纳特赫德于1682年开设了印刷店，然而殖民地下一任州长托马斯·卡尔佩尔禁止纳特赫德完成任何项目。直到1726年威廉·帕克斯在安纳波利斯建立他的印刷店时，切萨皮克地区才拥有了稳定的印刷和书籍贸易。

Print culture was very different in New England. Puritans had a respect for print from the beginning. Unfortunately, New England’s authors were content to publish in London, making the foundations of Stephen Daye’s first print shop in 1639 very shaky. Typically, printers made their money from printing sheets, not books to be bound. The case was similar in Massachusetts, where the first printed work was a Freeman’s Oath. The first book was not issued until 1640, the Bay Psalm Book, of which eleven known copies survive. Daye’s contemporaries recognized the significance of his printing, and he was awarded 140 acres of land. The next large project, the first Bible to be printed in America, was undertaken by Samuel Green and Marmaduke Johnson and published in 1660. That same year, the Eliot Bible, named for its translator John Eliot, was printed in the Natick dialect of the local Algonquin tribes.

新英格兰的印刷文化与南方大相径庭。清教徒从一开始就对印刷持有尊重态度。不幸的是，新英格兰的作者们更愿意在伦敦出版，使得斯蒂芬·戴伊（Stephen Daye）于1639年建立的第一家印刷厂的基础非常脆弱。通常，印刷商主要通过印刷单张而不是装订成册的书籍来盈利。在马萨诸塞州的情况也是如此，第一部印刷作品是《自由人誓言》（Freeman’s Oath）。直到1640年，第一本书《湾诗篇集》（Bay Psalm Book）才正式发行，目前已知有十一份存世。戴伊的同时代人认识到他印刷工作的重大意义，因此授予他140英亩的土地。接下来的大型项目是由塞缪尔·格林（Samuel Green）和马尔马杜克·约翰逊（Marmaduke Johnson）承担的第一本在美印刷的圣经，出版于1660年。同年，名为伊利特圣经（Eliot Bible）的作品也在当地阿尔冈昆部落的纳提克方言中印刷。

Massachusetts remained the center of colonial printing for a hundred years, until Philadelphia overtook Boston in 1770. Philadelphia’s rise as the printing capital of the colonies began with two important features: first, the arrival of Benjamin Franklin, a scholar and businessman, in 1723, and second, waves of German immigrants who created a demand for a German-language press. From the mid-1730s, Christopher Sauer, and later his son, met the demand for German-language newspapers and religious texts. Nevertheless, Franklin was a one-man culture of print, revolutionizing the book trade in addition to creating public learning initiatives such as the Library Company and the Academy of Philadelphia. His Autobiography offers one of the most detailed glimpses of life in an eighteenth-century print shop. Franklin’s Philadelphia enjoyed a flurry of newspapers, pamphlets, and books for sale. The flurry would only grow in 1776 when the Philadelphia printer Robert Bell issued hundreds of thousands of copies of Thomas Paine’s revolutionary Common Sense.

马萨诸塞州在殖民时期的印刷中心地位持续了一个世纪，直到1770年费城超越波士顿。费城作为殖民地印刷之都的崛起始于两个重要因素：首先，学者兼商人本杰明·富兰克林（Benjamin Franklin）于1723年的到来；其次，涌入的大量德国移民创造了对德语印刷的需求。从1730年代中期开始，克里斯托弗·绍尔（Christopher Sauer）及其后来的儿子满足了对德语报纸和宗教文本的需求。然而，富兰克林是一个独具特色的印刷文化推动者，不仅彻底革新了书籍贸易，还创办了公共学习机构，如图书公司（Library Company）和费城学院（Academy of Philadelphia）。他的《自传》提供了关于十八世纪印刷作坊生活的最详细的见解之一。富兰克林的费城充满了报纸、小册子和书籍的热潮，这种热潮在1776年只会愈演愈烈，那年费城印刷商罗伯特·贝尔（Robert Bell）发行了数十万本托马斯·潘恩（Thomas Paine）革命性著作《常识》（Common Sense）。

Debates on religious expression continued throughout the eighteenth century. In 1711, a group of New England ministers published a collection of sermons titled Early Piety. The most famous minister, Increase Mather, wrote the preface. In it he asked the question, “What did our forefathers come into this wilderness for?” His answer was simple: to test their faith against the challenges of America and win. The grandchildren of the first settlers had been born into the comfort of well-established colonies and worried that their faith had suffered. This sense of inferiority sent colonists looking for a reinvigorated religious experience. The result came to be known as the Great Awakening.

关于宗教表达的辩论在十八世纪持续进行。1711年，一群新英格兰的牧师出版了一本名为《早期虔诚》（Early Piety）的讲道集。其中最著名的牧师，英克里斯·马瑟（Increase Mather），撰写了前言。在前言中，他提出了一个问题：“我们的祖先为何来到这个荒野？”他的回答很简单：为了在美洲的挑战中检验他们的信仰并获胜。第一批定居者的孙辈们出生在已经建立良好的殖民地的舒适环境中，他们担心自己的信仰受到了侵蚀。这种自卑感促使殖民者寻找一种重新焕发的宗教体验。最终，这种现象被称为“大觉醒”（Great Awakening）。

Only with hindsight does the Great Awakening look like a unified movement. The first revivals began unexpectedly in the Congregational churches of New England in the 1730s and then spread through the 1740s and 1750s to Presbyterians, Baptists, and Methodists in the rest of the thirteen colonies. Different places at different times experienced revivals of different intensities. Yet in all of these communities, colonists discussed the same need to strip their lives of worldly concerns and return to a more pious lifestyle. The form it took was something of a contradiction. Preachers became key figures in encouraging individuals to find a personal relationship with God.

从后来的视角来看，大觉醒（Great Awakening）似乎是一个统一的运动。然而，最初的复兴运动意外地始于新英格兰的公理教会（Congregational churches），发生在1730年代，随后在1740年代和1750年代传播到其他十三个殖民地的长老教会（Presbyterians）、浸礼会（Baptists）和卫理公会（Methodists）。不同地方在不同时间经历了不同强度的复兴。然而，在所有这些社区中，殖民者讨论了同样的需求——剥离生活中的世俗关怀，回归更虔诚的生活方式。复兴的形式在某种程度上是矛盾的。传教士成为了鼓励个人与上帝建立个人关系的关键人物。

The first signs of religious revival appeared in Jonathan Edwards’ congregation in Northampton, Massachusetts. Edwards was a theologian who shared the faith of the early Puritan settlers. In particular, he believed in the idea of predestination, in which God had long ago decided who was damned and who was saved. However, Edwards worried that his congregation had stopped searching their souls and were merely doing good works to prove they were saved. With a missionary zeal, Edwards preached against worldly sins and called for his congregation to look inward for signs of God’s saving grace. His most famous sermon was “Sinners in the Hands of an Angry God.” Suddenly, in the winter of 1734, these sermons sent his congregation into violent convulsions. The spasms first appeared among known sinners in the community. Over the next six months the physical symptoms spread to half of the six hundred-person congregation. Edwards shared the work of his revival in a widely circulated pamphlet.

宗教复兴的最初迹象出现在乔纳森·爱德华兹（Jonathan Edwards）位于马萨诸塞州北ampton的会众中。爱德华兹是一位神学家，他与早期的清教徒定居者共享信仰。特别是，他相信预定论的概念，即上帝早已决定了谁将被诅咒，谁将被拯救。然而，爱德华兹担心他的会众已停止内省，而只是通过做好事来证明自己得救。怀着传教的热情，爱德华兹讲述了世俗罪恶，并呼吁他的会众向内寻求上帝救赎恩典的迹象。他最著名的讲道是《处于愤怒上帝手中的罪人》。突然，在1734年冬季，这些讲道使他的会众陷入了剧烈的抽搐。这些痉挛最初出现在社区中已知的罪人身上。在接下来的六个月里，这些身体症状蔓延到六百人会众的一半。爱德华兹通过一份广泛流传的小册子分享了他的复兴工作的成果。

Over the next decade itinerant preachers were more successful in spreading the spirit of revival around America. These preachers had the same spiritual goal as Edwards but brought with them a new religious experience. They abandoned traditional sermons in favor of outside meetings where they could whip the congregation into an emotional frenzy to reveal evidence of saving grace. Many religious leaders were suspicious of the enthusiasm and message of these revivals, but colonists flocked to the spectacle.

在接下来的十年里，流动传教士在美国各地传播复兴精神方面更加成功。这些传教士与爱德华兹有着相同的精神目标，但他们带来了新的宗教体验。他们放弃了传统的讲道，转而选择户外聚会，在那里他们能够激发会众情绪，使其陷入狂热，以揭示得救的迹象。许多宗教领袖对这些复兴的热情和信息持怀疑态度，但殖民者们却纷纷涌向这一场面。

The most famous itinerant preacher was George Whitefield. According to Whitefield, the only type of faith that pleased God was heartfelt. The established churches too often only encouraged apathy. “The Christian World is dead asleep,” Whitefield explained. “Nothing but a loud voice can awaken them out of it.” He would be that voice. Whitefield was a former actor with a dramatic style of preaching and a simple message. Thundering against sin and for Jesus Christ, Whitefield invited everyone to be born again. It worked. Through the 1730s he traveled from New York to South Carolina converting ordinary men, women, and children. “I have seen upwards of a thousand people hang on his words with breathless silence,” wrote a socialite in Philadelphia, “broken only by an occasional half suppressed sob.” A farmer recorded the powerful impact this rhetoric could have: “And my hearing him preach gave me a heart wound; by God’s blessing my old foundation was broken up, and I saw that my righteousness would not save me.” The number of people trying to hear Whitefield’s message was so large that he preached in the meadows at the edges of cities. Contemporaries regularly testified to crowds of thousands and in one case over twenty thousand in Philadelphia. Whitefield and the other itinerant preachers had achieved what Edwards could not: making the revivals popular.

最著名的流动传教士是乔治·怀特菲尔德。根据怀特菲尔德的说法，唯一能取悦上帝的信仰是发自内心的信仰。既有的教会往往只鼓励冷漠。“基督教世界正处于沉睡之中，”怀特菲尔德解释道，“只有响亮的声音才能将他们唤醒。”他就是那道声音。怀特菲尔德曾是一名演员，具有戏剧性的讲道风格和简单的信息。以雷霆般的声音谴责罪恶，宣扬耶稣基督，怀特菲尔德邀请每一个人重获新生。这一做法非常有效。在1730年代，他从纽约旅行到南卡罗来纳州，感动了普通的男女老少。“我看到有超过一千的人屏息凝神地听他讲话，”一位费城的社交名媛写道，“偶尔有几声压抑的抽泣打破了这种沉寂。”一位农民记录下了这种修辞所能产生的强大影响：“听他讲道让我心中受到了创伤；在上帝的祝福下，我的旧根基被打破，我明白我的义行无法拯救我。”前来聆听怀特菲尔德讲道的人数众多，以至于他不得不在城市边缘的草地上讲道。当时的人们常常证实，聚集的人数达到了数千，在费城的一次聚会上甚至超过了两万人。怀特菲尔德和其他流动传教士成功地达成了爱德华兹无法做到的目标：让复兴运动变得流行。

Ultimately the religious revivals became a victim of the preachers’ success. As itinerant preachers became more experimental, they alienated as many people as they converted. In 1742, one preacher from Connecticut, James Davenport, persuaded his congregation that he had special knowledge from God. To be saved they had to dance naked in circles at night while screaming and laughing. Or they could burn the books he disapproved of. Either way, such extremism demonstrated for many that revivalism had gone wrong. A divide appeared by the 1740s and 1750s between “New Lights,” who still believed in a revived faith, and “Old Lights,” who thought it was deluded nonsense.

最终，宗教复兴运动成为了传教士成功的牺牲品。随着流动传教士的实验性增加，他们不仅疏远了许多人，也感动了很多人。1742年，来自康涅狄格州的一位传教士詹姆斯·达文波特（James Davenport）说服他的会众相信他从上帝那里得到了特殊的启示。为了得救，他们必须在夜晚赤裸裸地围着圈子跳舞，同时尖叫和大笑。或者，他们可以焚烧他所不赞成的书籍。无论如何，这种极端主义向许多人表明复兴主义出现了偏差。到1740年代和1750年代之间，“新光派”（New Lights）与“旧光派”（Old Lights）之间出现了分歧。前者依然相信复兴的信仰，而后者则认为这种信仰是荒谬的幻想。

By the 1760s, the religious revivals had petered out; however, they left a profound impact on America. Leaders like Edwards and Whitefield encouraged individuals to question the world around them. This idea reformed religion in America and created a language of individualism that promised to change everything else. If you challenged the Church, what other authority figures might you question? The Great Awakening provided a language of individualism, reinforced in print culture, which reappeared in the call for independence. While prerevolutionary America had profoundly oligarchical qualities, the groundwork was laid for a more republican society. However, society did not transform easily overnight. It would take intense, often physical, conflict to change colonial life.

到了1760年代，宗教复兴的热潮逐渐消退；然而，它在美国留下了深远的影响。爱德华兹和怀特菲尔德等领袖鼓励个人质疑周围的世界。这一理念改革了美国的宗教，创造了一个承诺改变一切的个人主义语言。如果你挑战了教会，还有哪些权威人物可以质疑呢？伟大的觉醒运动提供了个人主义的语言，这种语言在印刷文化中得到了强化，并在呼唤独立时重新出现。尽管革命前的美国具有深刻的寡头性质，但为更具共和性质的社会奠定了基础。然而，社会的转型并不是一蹴而就的。改变殖民地生活需要激烈而且常常是身体上的冲突。

V. Seven Years’ War

五、七年战争

Of the eighty-seven years between the Glorious Revolution (1688) and the American Revolution (1775), Britain was at war with France and French-allied Native Americans for thirty-seven of them. These were not wars in which European soldiers fought other European soldiers. American militiamen fought for the British against French Catholics and their Native American allies in all of these engagements. Warfare took a physical and spiritual toll on British colonists. British towns located on the border between New England and New France experienced intermittent raiding by French-allied Native Americans. Raiding parties destroyed houses and burned crops, but they also took captives. They brought these captives to French Quebec, where some were ransomed back to their families in New England and others converted to Catholicism and remained in New France. In this sense, Catholicism threatened to capture Protestant lands and souls.

在1688年的光荣革命与1775年的美国革命之间的87年里，英国与法国及其盟友的美洲土著进行了37年的战争。这些战争并不是欧洲士兵与其他欧洲士兵之间的战争。美洲民兵为英国与法国的天主教徒及其土著盟友进行过所有这些交战。战争对英国殖民者造成了身体和精神上的双重损失。位于新英格兰与新法兰西边界的英国城镇经历了间歇性的袭击，这些袭击来自于与法国结盟的土著人。袭击队伍摧毁房屋并焚烧农作物，但他们也掳走了人质。这些人质被带到法国的魁北克，其中一些被赎回给新英格兰的家人，而其他人则被转化为天主教徒，留在新法兰西。从这个意义上说，天主教威胁到捕获新教的土地和灵魂。

France and Britain feuded over the boundaries of their respective North American empires. The feud turned bloody in 1754 when a force of British colonists and Native American allies, led by young George Washington, killed a French diplomat. This incident led to a war, which would become known as the Seven Years’ War or the French and Indian War. In North America, the French achieved victory in the early portion of this war. They attacked and burned multiple British outposts, such as Fort William Henry in 1757. In addition, the French seemed to easily defeat British attacks, such as General Braddock’s attack on Fort Duquesne, and General Abercrombie’s attack on Fort Carillon (Ticonderoga) in 1758. These victories were often the result of alliances with Native Americans.

法国和英国在各自的北美帝国边界上争吵不休。争端在1754年变得血腥，当时一支由年轻的乔治·华盛顿领导的英国殖民者和土著盟友的部队杀死了一名法国外交官。这一事件导致了一场战争，这场战争后来被称为七年战争或法印战争。在北美，法国在战争的早期阶段取得了胜利。他们攻击并焚烧了多个英国前哨，如1757年的亨利堡。此外，法国似乎轻易击败了英国的进攻，例如布拉多克将军对杜肯堡的进攻，以及阿伯克隆比将军在1758年对卡里隆堡（提康德罗加）的进攻。这些胜利往往是与土著人结盟的结果。

In Europe, the war did not fully begin until 1756, when British-allied Frederick II of Prussia invaded the neutral state of Saxony. As a result of this invasion, a massive coalition of France, Austria, Russia, and Sweden attacked Prussia and the few German states allied with Prussia. The ruler of Austria, Maria Theresa, hoped to conquer the province of Silesia, which had been lost to Prussia in a previous war. In the European war, the British monetarily supported the Prussians, as well as the minor western German states of Hesse-Kassel and Braunschweig-Wolfenbüttel. These subsidy payments enabled the smaller German states to fight France and allowed the excellent Prussian army to fight against the large enemy alliance.

在欧洲，战争直到1756年才全面展开，当时英国盟友普鲁士的腓特烈二世入侵了中立国萨克森。作为这次入侵的结果，一个由法国、奥地利、俄罗斯和瑞典组成的大型联盟攻击了普鲁士及其少数盟友德国小国。奥地利统治者玛丽亚·特蕾西娅希望征服已经在之前战争中失去的西里西亚省。在这场欧洲战争中，英国以货币支持普鲁士以及西德的两个小国黑森-卡塞尔和布伦瑞克-沃尔芬比特尔。这些补贴使得较小的德国国家能够与法国作战，并使出色的普鲁士军队能够对抗庞大的敌人联盟。

However, as in North America, the early part of the war went against the British. The French defeated Britain’s German allies and forced them to surrender after the Battle of Hastenbeck in 1757. That same year, the Austrians defeated the Prussians in the Battle of Kolín and Frederick of Prussia defeated the French at the Battle of Rossbach. The latter battle allowed the British to rejoin the war in Europe. Just a month later, in December 1757, Frederick’s army defeated the Austrians at the Battle of Leuthen, reclaiming the vital province of Silesia. In India and throughout the world’s oceans, the British and their fleet consistently defeated the French. In June, for instance, Robert Clive and his Indian allies had defeated the French at the Battle of Plassey. With the sea firmly in their control, the British could send additional troops to North America.

然而，与北美一样，战争的早期阶段对英国不利。法国在1757年的哈斯滕贝克战役中击败了英国的德国盟友，迫使他们投降。同年，奥地利人在科林战役中击败了普鲁士，而普鲁士的腓特烈则在罗斯巴赫战役中战胜了法国。这场后者的胜利使英国能够重新加入欧洲的战争。仅一个月后，在1757年12月，腓特烈的军队在洛伊滕战役中击败了奥地利，重新夺回了重要的西里西亚省。在印度及世界各大洋中，英国及其舰队始终战胜法国。例如，在6月，罗伯特·克莱夫及其印度盟友在普拉西战役中击败了法国。随着海洋牢牢掌握在英国手中，他们能够向北美增派额外的部队。

These newly arrived soldiers allowed the British to launch new offensives. The large French port and fortress of Louisbourg, in present-day Nova Scotia, fell to the British in 1758. In 1759, British general James Wolfe defeated French general Louis-Joseph de Montcalm in the Battle of the Plains of Abraham, outside Quebec City. In Europe, 1759 saw the British defeat the French at the Battle of Minden and destroy large portions of the French fleet. The British referred to 1759 as the annus mirabilis or the year of miracles. These victories brought about the fall of French Canada, and war in North America ended in 1760 with the British capture of Montreal. The British continued to fight against the Spanish, who entered the war in 1762. In this war, the Spanish successfully defended Nicaragua against British attacks but were unable to prevent the conquest of Cuba and the Philippines.

这些新到的士兵使英国能够发起新的进攻。位于如今的新斯科舍省的大型法国港口和堡垒路易斯堡在1758年落入英国之手。在1759年，英国将军詹姆斯·沃尔夫在魁北克市郊的阿伯拉罕平原战役中击败了法国将军路易-约瑟夫·德·蒙卡尔姆。在欧洲，1759年英国在明登战役中击败法国，并摧毁了法国舰队的大部分。英国人称1759年为“奇迹之年”（annus mirabilis）。这些胜利导致法国加拿大的覆灭，北美的战争在1760年以英国占领蒙特利尔而结束。英国继续与西班牙作战，西班牙在1762年加入战争。在这场战争中，西班牙成功地保卫了尼加拉瓜免受英国攻击，但无法阻止古巴和菲律宾的征服。

The Seven Years’ War ended with the peace treaties of Paris and Hubertusburg in 1763. The British received much of Canada and North America from the French, while the Prussians retained the important province of Silesia. This gave the British a larger empire than they could control, which contributed to tensions that would lead to revolution. In particular, it exposed divisions within the newly expanded empire, including language, national affiliation, and religious views. When the British captured Quebec in 1760, a newspaper distributed in the colonies to celebrate the event boasted: “The time will come, when Pope and Friar/Shall both be roasted in the fire/When the proud Antichristian whore/will sink, and never rise more.”

七年战争于1763年通过巴黎和胡伯图斯堡条约结束。英国从法国手中获得了加拿大和北美的大部分领土，而普鲁士则保留了重要的西里西亚省。这使英国拥有了一个超出其控制能力的庞大帝国，进而加剧了导致革命的紧张局势。尤其是，这一扩展后的帝国暴露了内部的分歧，包括语言、国家归属和宗教观。当英国于1760年占领魁北克时，一份在殖民地发行的庆祝活动的报纸夸耀道：“时光会到来，当教皇与修士/都将在火中被烤焦/当傲慢的反基督教妓女/将沉沦，再也无法复起。”

American colonists rejoiced over the defeat of Catholic France and felt secure that the Catholics in Quebec could no longer threaten them. Of course, some American colonies had been a haven for religious minorities since the seventeenth century. Catholic Maryland, for example, evidenced early religious pluralism. But practical toleration of Catholics existed alongside virulent anti-Catholicism in public and political arenas. It was a powerful and enduring rhetorical tool borne out of warfare and competition between Britain and France.

美国殖民者因击败天主教的法国而欢欣鼓舞，他们感到魁北克的天主教徒不再对他们构成威胁。当然，自十七世纪以来，一些美洲殖民地就成为宗教少数派的避风港。例如，天主教的马里兰州就体现了早期的宗教多元化。然而，在公共和政治领域，对天主教徒的实际宽容与强烈的反天主教情绪并存。这种情绪是战争和英法竞争中产生的一种强大而持久的修辞工具。

In part because of constant conflict with Catholic France, Britons on either side of the Atlantic rallied around Protestantism. British ministers in England called for a coalition to fight French and Catholic empires. Missionary organizations such as the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge and the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel were founded at the turn of the eighteenth century to evangelize Native Americans and limit Jesuit conversions. The Protestant revivals of the so-called Great Awakening crisscrossed the Atlantic and founded a participatory religious movement during the 1730s and 1740s that united British Protestant churches. Preachers and merchants alike urged greater Atlantic trade to bind the Anglophone Protestant Atlantic through commerce and religion.

部分原因是与天主教法国的持续冲突，英美两岸的英国人团结在新教主义周围。英国的牧师呼吁建立一个联盟，以对抗法国和天主教帝国。在十八世纪初，成立了基督教知识促进协会和福音传播协会等传教组织，以传教给美洲原住民并限制耶稣会的皈依活动。所谓的“大觉醒”期间，新教复兴活动横跨大西洋，在1730年代和1740年代建立了一个参与式宗教运动，团结了英国的新教教会。无论是传教士还是商人，都呼吁加强大西洋贸易，以通过商业和宗教将讲英语的新教徒联系起来。

VI. Pontiac’s War

六、庞蒂亚克战争

Relationships between colonists and Native Americans were complex and often violent. In 1761, Neolin, a prophet, received a vision from his religion’s main deity, known as the Master of Life. The Master of Life told Neolin that the only way to enter heaven would be to cast off the corrupting influence of Europeans by expelling the British: “This land where ye dwell I have made for you and not for others. Whence comes it that ye permit the Whites upon your lands. . . . Drive them out, make war upon them.” Neolin preached the avoidance of alcohol, a return to traditional rituals, and unity among Indigenous people to his disciples, including Pontiac, an Ottawa leader.

殖民者与美洲原住民之间的关系复杂且常常充满暴力。1761年，先知内欧林（Neolin）从他宗教的主要神祇——生命之主（Master of Life）那里获得了一次异象。生命之主告诉内欧林，进入天堂的唯一途径是摆脱欧洲人的腐化影响，通过驱逐英国人来实现：“你们所居住的这片土地是我为你们所创造，而不是给他人的。你们为何允许白人在你们的土地上。……把他们赶出去，向他们宣战。”内欧林向他的门徒，包括渥太华族的领袖庞蒂亚克，传达了避免饮酒、重返传统仪式以及印第安人之间团结的教义。

Pontiac took Neolin’s words to heart and sparked the beginning of what would become known as Pontiac’s War. At its height, the uprising included Native peoples from the territory between the Great Lakes, the Appalachians, and the Mississippi River. Though Pontiac did not command all of those participating in the war, his actions were influential in its development. Pontiac and three hundred warriors sought to take Fort Detroit by surprise in May 1763, but the plan was foiled, resulting in a six-month siege of the British fort. News of the siege quickly spread and inspired more attacks on British forts and settlers. In May, Native Americans captured Forts Sandusky, St. Joseph, and Miami. In June, a coalition of Ottawas and Ojibwes captured Fort Michilimackinac by staging a game of stickball (lacrosse) outside the fort. They chased the ball into the fort, gathered arms that had been smuggled in by a group of Native American women, and killed almost half of the fort’s British soldiers.

庞蒂亚克认真听取了内欧林的话，并点燃了后来被称为庞蒂亚克战争的起义。战争的巅峰时期，参与起义的原住民遍及大湖区、阿巴拉契亚山脉和密西西比河之间的领土。尽管庞蒂亚克并没有指挥所有参与战争的人，但他的行动对战争的发展产生了重要影响。1763年5月，庞蒂亚克和三百名战士试图在突袭中夺取底特律堡，但计划被挫败，导致了对这座英国堡垒长达六个月的围困。围困的消息迅速传播，激励了更多对英国堡垒和定居者的攻击。在5月，原住民攻占了桑达斯基堡、圣约瑟堡和迈阿密堡。6月，渥太华族和奥吉布瓦族的联军通过在堡垒外面进行一场棒球（曲棍球）比赛来攻陷密希林玛基纳堡。他们追逐球进入堡垒，收集了一群原住民妇女走私进来的武器，并杀死了几乎一半堡垒里的英国士兵。

Though these Native Americans were indeed responding to Neolin’s religious message, there were many other practical reasons for waging war on the British. After the Seven Years’ War, Britain gained control of formerly French territory as a result of the Treaty of Paris. Whereas the French had maintained a peaceful and relatively equal relationship with their Native American allies through trade, the British hoped to profit from and impose “order.” For example, the French often engaged in the Indigenous practice of diplomatic gift giving. However, British general Jeffrey Amherst discouraged this practice and regulated the trade or sale of firearms and ammunition to Indigenous people. Most Native Americans, including Pontiac, saw this not as frugal imperial policy but preparation for war.

虽然这些原住民确实是在回应内欧林的宗教信息，但他们对英国发动战争的原因还有许多实际考量。在七年战争之后，根据巴黎条约，英国控制了之前由法国掌握的领土。与法国通过贸易与原住民盟友保持相对平等的和平关系不同，英国则希望从中获利并实施“秩序”。例如，法国人通常参与原住民的外交赠礼习俗。然而，英国将军杰弗里·阿默斯特则不鼓励这种做法，并限制向原住民销售或交易火器和弹药。大多数原住民，包括庞蒂亚克，将此视为不是节俭的帝国政策，而是为战争做准备。

Pontiac’s War lasted until 1766. Native American warriors attacked British forts and frontier settlements, killing as many as four hundred soldiers and two thousand settlers.34 Disease and a shortage of supplies ultimately undermined the war effort, and in July 1766 Pontiac met with British official and diplomat William Johnson at Fort Ontario and settled for peace. Though they did not win Pontiac’s War, Native Americans succeeded in fundamentally altering the British government’s policy. The war made British officials recognize that peace in the West would require royal protection of Native American lands and heavy-handed regulation of Anglo-American trade activity in territory controlled by Native Americans. During the war, the British Crown issued the Royal Proclamation of 1763, which created the proclamation line marking the Appalachian Mountains as the boundary between the British colonies and land held controlled by Native Americans.

庞蒂亚克战争持续到1766年。原住民战士袭击了英国的堡垒和边境定居点，造成多达四百名士兵和两千名定居者死亡。然而，疾病和补给不足最终削弱了战争努力。1766年7月，庞蒂亚克在安大略堡与英国官员兼外交官威廉·约翰逊会面，达成了和平协议。尽管他们没有在庞蒂亚克战争中获胜，但原住民成功地从根本上改变了英国政府的政策。这场战争使英国官员认识到，要在西部实现和平，就需要对原住民土地进行皇家保护，并对在原住民控制地区的英美贸易活动进行严格监管。在战争期间，英国王室颁布了1763年的《皇家宣言》，该宣言创建了一条以阿巴拉契亚山脉为界的宣言线，标志着英国殖民地与原住民控制土地之间的界限。

The effects of Pontiac’s War were substantial and widespread. The war proved that coercion was not an effective strategy for imperial control, though the British government would continue to employ this strategy to consolidate their power in North America, most notably through the various acts imposed on their colonies. Additionally, the prohibition of Anglo-American settlement in Native American territory, especially the Ohio River Valley, sparked discontent. The French immigrant Michel-Guillaume-Saint-Jean de Crèvecoeur articulated this discontent most clearly in his 1782 Letters from an American Farmer when he asked, “What then is the American, this new man?” In other words, why did colonists start thinking of themselves as Americans, not Britons? Crèvecoeur suggested that America was a melting pot of self-reliant individual landholders, fiercely independent in pursuit of their own interests, and free from the burdens of European class systems. It was an answer many wanted to hear and fit with self-conceptions of the new nation, albeit one that imagined itself as white, male, and generally Protestant. The Seven Years’ War pushed the thirteen American colonies closer together politically and culturally than ever before. In 1754, at the Albany Congress, Benjamin Franklin suggested a plan of union to coordinate defenses across the continent. Tens of thousands of colonials fought during the war. At the French surrender in 1760, 11,000 British soldiers joined 6,500 militia members drawn from every colony north of Pennsylvania. At home, many heard or read sermons that portrayed the war as a struggle between civilizations with liberty-loving Britons arrayed against tyrannical Frenchmen and savage Indigenous people. American colonists rejoiced in their collective victory as a moment of newfound peace and prosperity. After nearly seven decades of warfare they looked to the newly acquired lands west of the Appalachian Mountains as their reward.

庞蒂亚克战争的影响深远且广泛。这场战争证明，强制手段并不是有效的帝国控制策略，尽管英国政府仍将继续采用这一策略来巩固其在北美的权力，最显著地体现在对殖民地施加的各种法令上。此外，对英美殖民者在原住民领土上，特别是俄亥俄河谷的定居禁令引发了不满。法国移民米歇尔·纪尧姆·圣让·德·克雷维库尔在其1782年的《来自美国农民的信》中清晰地表达了这种不满，他问道：“那么，什么是美国人，这个新的人？”换句话说，为什么殖民者开始将自己视为美国人，而不是英国人？克雷维库尔认为，美国是一个自给自足的个体土地拥有者的熔炉，这些人追求自己的利益，极具独立性，摆脱了欧洲阶级制度的负担。这是许多人想要听到的答案，也与新国家的自我认知相吻合，尽管这一认知主要以白人、男性和通常是新教徒的形象为主。七年战争使得十三个美洲殖民地在政治和文化上比以往任何时候都更紧密地团结在一起。1754年，在阿尔巴尼大会上，本杰明·富兰克林提出了一个联盟计划，以协调整个大陆的防御。在战争期间，成千上万的殖民者参与了战斗。在1760年法国投降时，11,000名英国士兵与来自宾夕法尼亚州以北各殖民地的6,500名民兵共同参战。在国内，许多人听到或阅读了将这场战争描绘成以热爱自由的英国人与专制的法国人和野蛮的原住民对抗的文明斗争的讲道。美国殖民者为他们的集体胜利欢欣鼓舞，将其视为新发现的和平与繁荣的时刻。经过近七十年的战争，他们将目光投向阿巴拉契亚山脉以西新获得的土地，视其为自己的奖励。

The Seven Years’ War was tremendously expensive and precipitated imperial reforms on taxation, commerce, and politics. Britain spent over £140 million, an astronomical figure for the day, and the expenses kept coming as new territory required new security obligations. Britain wanted to recoup some of its expenses and looked to the colonies to share the costs of their own security. To do this, Parliament started legislating over all the colonies in a way rarely done before. As a result, the colonies began seeing themselves as a collective group, rather than just distinct entities. Different taxation schemes implemented across the colonies between 1763 and 1774 placed duties on items like tea, paper, molasses, and stamps for almost every kind of document. Consumption and trade, an important bond between Britain and the colonies, was being threatened. To enforce these unpopular measures, Britain implemented increasingly restrictive policies that eroded civil liberties like protection from unlawful searches and jury trials. The rise of an antislavery movement made many colonists worry that slavery would soon be attacked. The moratorium on new settlements in the West after Pontiac’s War was yet another disappointment.

七年战争极其昂贵，促使帝国在税收、商业和政治方面进行改革。英国花费超过1.4亿英镑，这在当时是一个天文数字，且随着新领土带来的安全责任，开支还在不断增加。为了弥补部分费用，英国希望殖民地能够分担自身的安全开支。为此，议会开始以前所未有的方式对所有殖民地立法。这导致殖民地开始视自己为一个集体，而不仅仅是独立的实体。1763年至1774年间，在殖民地实施的不同税收方案对茶、纸、糖蜜和几乎所有类型的文件的印花税等物品征税。这威胁到了消费和贸易这一连接英国与殖民地的重要纽带。为了强制执行这些不受欢迎的措施，英国实施了日益严格的政策，侵蚀了诸如对非法搜查的保护和陪审团审判等公民自由。反奴隶制运动的兴起使许多殖民者担心奴隶制将很快受到攻击。庞蒂亚克战争后对西部新定居点的禁令也是另一个失望的表现。

VII. Conclusion

七、结论

By 1763, Americans had never been more united. They fought and they celebrated together. But they also recognized that they were not considered full British subjects, that they were considered something else. Americans across the colonies viewed imperial reforms as threats to the British liberties they saw as their birthright. The Stamp Act Congress of 1765 brought colonial leaders together in an unprecedented show of cooperation against taxes imposed by Parliament, and popular boycotts of British goods created a common narrative of sacrifice, resistance, and shared political identity. A rebellion loomed.

到1763年，美国人从未如此团结。他们共同战斗，也共同庆祝。但他们也意识到，自己并不被视为完全的英国公民，而被视为其他人。殖民地的美国人普遍认为，帝国改革是对他们视为与生俱来的英国自由的威胁。1765年的《印花法会议》使殖民地领导人以一种前所未有的合作形式聚集在一起，反对议会征收的税款，公众对英国商品的抵制则创造了一种共同的牺牲、抵抗和共享政治身份的叙事。一场叛乱的阴影逐渐显现。