第十九章 美利坚帝国

Source / 原文：https://www.americanyawp.com/text/19-american-empire

I. Introduction

一、引言

The word empire might conjure images of ancient Rome, the Persian Empire, or the British Empire—powers that depended variously on military conquest, colonization, occupation, or direct resource exploitation—but empires can take many forms and imperial processes can occur in many contexts. One hundred years after the United States won its independence from the British Empire, had it become an empire of its own?

“帝国”一词或许会让人联想到古罗马、波斯帝国或大英帝国——这些强权往往依赖于军事征服、殖民扩张、占领或直接资源掠夺。然而，帝国的形式多种多样，帝国的运作过程也可以发生在许多不同的背景下。美国在赢得对大英帝国的独立一百年后，是否已成为一个属于它自己的帝国？

In the decades after the American Civil War, the United States exerted itself in the service of American interests around the world. In the Pacific, Latin America, and the Middle East, and most explicitly in the Spanish-American War and under the foreign policy of Theodore Roosevelt and William Howard Taft, the United States expanded on a long history of exploration, trade, and cultural exchange to practice something that looked remarkably like empire. The question of American imperialism, then, seeks to understand not only direct American interventions in such places as Cuba, the Philippines, Hawaii, Guam, and Puerto Rico, but also the deeper history of American engagement with the wider world and the subsequent ways in which American economic, political, and cultural power has shaped the actions, choices, and possibilities of other groups and nations.

在美国内战结束后的数十年里，美国致力于在全球范围内维护自身利益。在太平洋、拉丁美洲和中东地区，尤其是在美西战争期间以及西奥多·罗斯福和威廉·霍华德·塔夫脱的外交政策下，美国以探险、贸易和文化交流的悠久历史为基础，实践了一种与帝国十分相似的行为。因此，美国帝国主义的问题不仅关注美国在古巴、菲律宾、夏威夷、关岛和波多黎各等地的直接干预，还试图理解美国与更广泛世界互动的深层历史，以及美国的经济、政治和文化力量如何塑造了其他群体和国家的行动、选择和可能性。

Meanwhile, as the United States asserted itself abroad, it acquired increasingly higher numbers of foreign peoples at home. European and Asian immigrants poured into the United States. In a sense, imperialism and immigration raised similar questions about American identity: Who was an “American,” and who wasn’t? What were the nation’s obligations to foreign powers and foreign peoples? And how accessible—and how fluid—should American identity be for newcomers? All such questions confronted late-nineteenth-century Americans with unprecedented urgency.

与此同时，在美国对外扩张的过程中，国内的外国人口数量也显著增加。来自欧洲和亚洲的移民大量涌入美国。从某种意义上说，帝国主义和移民问题提出了类似的关于美国身份的问题：谁是“美国人”，谁不是？国家对外国势力和外国人民的义务是什么？美国身份对新来者的开放性和灵活性应达到何种程度？所有这些问题以前所未有的紧迫性摆在19世纪后期的美国人面前。

II. Patterns of American Interventions

二、美国干预的模式

American interventions in Mexico, China, and the Middle East reflected the United States’ new eagerness to intervene in foreign governments to protect American economic interests abroad.

美国在墨西哥、中国和中东的干预反映了美国在保护海外经济利益方面，对干预外国政府的日益渴望。

The United States had long been involved in Pacific commerce. American ships had been traveling to China, for instance, since 1784. As a percentage of total American foreign trade, Asian trade remained comparatively small, and yet the idea that Asian markets were vital to American commerce affected American policy and, when those markets were threatened, prompted interventions. In 1899, secretary of state John Hay articulated the Open Door Policy, which called for all Western powers to have equal access to Chinese markets. Hay feared that other imperial powers—Japan, Great Britain, Germany, France, Italy, and Russia—planned to carve China into spheres of influence. It was in the economic interest of American business to maintain China for free trade. The following year, in 1900, American troops joined a multinational force that intervened to prevent the closing of trade by putting down the Boxer Rebellion, a movement opposed to foreign businesses and missionaries operating in China. President McKinley sent the U.S. Army without consulting Congress, setting a precedent for U.S. presidents to order American troops to action around the world under their executive powers.

美国长期以来一直参与太平洋贸易。例如，自1784年以来，美国船只就开始往返于中国。尽管亚洲贸易在美国对外贸易总额中占比相对较小，但亚洲市场对美国商业的重要性深刻影响了美国政策。当这些市场受到威胁时，便促使了干预行动。1899年，国务卿约翰·海（John Hay）提出了“门户开放政策”，要求所有西方列强对中国市场拥有平等的进入权。海担心其他帝国主义强国——如日本、大英帝国、德国、法国、意大利和俄罗斯——打算将中国分割为各自的势力范围。对美国商业来说，维持中国的自由贸易至关重要。次年，1900年，美国军队加入了一个多国联军，干预中国以阻止贸易关闭，平息了反对外国商人和传教士的义和团运动。麦金利总统未经过国会咨询，就派遣美军，这为美国总统在全球范围内行使行政权力派兵行动设立了先例。

The United States was not only ready to intervene in foreign affairs to preserve foreign markets, it was willing to take territory. The United States acquired its first Pacific territories with the Guano Islands Act of 1856. Guano—collected bird excrement—was a popular fertilizer integral to industrial farming. The act authorized and encouraged Americans to venture into the seas and claim islands with guano deposits for the United States. These acquisitions were the first insular, unincorporated territories of the United States: they were neither part of a state nor a federal district, and they were not on the path to ever attain such a status. The act, though little known, offered a precedent for future American acquisitions.

美国不仅准备干预外国事务以维护海外市场，还愿意占领领土。美国通过1856年的《鸟粪岛法案》获得了其第一个太平洋领土。鸟粪——收集的鸟类排泄物——是一种受欢迎的肥料，是工业化农业不可或缺的一部分。该法案授权并鼓励美国人进入海洋，声称含有鸟粪资源的岛屿作为美国的领土。这些领土是美国的第一个岛屿型未合并领土：它们既不是一个州的组成部分，也不是联邦区，并且永远不会走上获得此类地位的道路。尽管这项法案鲜为人知，但它为美国未来的领土扩张提供了先例。

Merchants, of course, weren’t the only American travelers in the Pacific. Christian missionaries soon followed explorers and traders. The first American missionaries arrived in Hawaii in 1820 and China in 1830, for example. Missionaries, though, often worked alongside business interests, and American missionaries in Hawaii, for instance, obtained large tracts of land and started lucrative sugar plantations. During the nineteenth century, Hawaii was ruled by an oligarchy based on the sugar companies, together known as the “Big Five.” This white American (haole) elite was extremely powerful, but they still operated outside the formal expression of American state power.

当然，商人并不是唯一进入太平洋的美国旅行者。基督教传教士很快紧随探险者和商人之后。例如，第一批美国传教士分别于1820年抵达夏威夷，1830年抵达中国。然而，传教士们通常与商业利益紧密合作，以夏威夷为例，美国传教士获得了大量土地，并开设了利润丰厚的甘蔗种植园。在19世纪，夏威夷由一个以糖业公司为基础的寡头政治统治，这些公司合称为“十大糖业公司”。这个由白人美国人（哈欧利）组成的精英阶层极为强大，但他们的运作仍然是在美国国家权力的正式体现之外进行的。

As many Americans looked for empire across the Pacific, others looked to Latin America. The United States, long a participant in an increasingly complex network of economic, social, and cultural interactions in Latin America, entered the late nineteenth century with a new aggressive and interventionist attitude toward its southern neighbors.

当许多美国人把目光投向太平洋寻找帝国时，另一些人则将目光投向了拉丁美洲。美国早已成为拉丁美洲日益复杂的经济、社会和文化互动网络中的一员，并以一种新的积极进取和干预主义态度，进入了19世纪末，开始对其南方邻国采取更为强硬的立场。

American capitalists invested enormous sums of money in Mexico during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, during the long reign of the corrupt yet stable regime of the modernization-hungry president Porfirio Diaz. But in 1910 the Mexican people revolted against Díaz, ending his authoritarian regime but also his friendliness toward the business interests of the United States. In the midst of the terrible destruction wrought by the fighting, Americans with investment interests pleaded for governmental help. But the U.S. government tried to control events and politics that could not be controlled. More and more American businessmen called for military intervention. When the brutal strongman Victoriano Huerta executed the revolutionary, democratically elected president Francisco Madero in 1913, newly inaugurated American president Woodrow Wilson put pressure on Mexico’s new regime. Wilson refused to recognize the new government and demanded that Huerta step aside and allow free elections to take place. Huerta refused.

在19世纪末和20世纪初，美国资本家在墨西哥进行了巨额投资，这一时期正值腐败但相对稳定的总统波菲里奥·迪亚兹（Porfirio Díaz）统治下，迪亚兹渴望现代化。但在1910年，墨西哥人民反抗迪亚兹，推翻了他的独裁政权，也终结了他对美国商业利益的友好态度。在战斗造成的巨大破坏中，拥有投资利益的美国人恳求政府提供帮助。但美国政府试图控制那些无法控制的事件和政治局势。越来越多的美国商人呼吁军事干预。1913年，当暴虐的强人维克托里亚诺·韦尔塔（Victoriano Huerta）处决了革命派、民选总统弗朗西斯科·马德罗（Francisco Madero）时，新上任的美国总统伍德罗·威尔逊（Woodrow Wilson）对墨西哥新政权施加了压力。威尔逊拒绝承认新政府，并要求韦尔塔下台并举行自由选举。韦尔塔拒绝了这一要求。

When Mexican forces mistakenly arrested American sailors in the port city of Tampico in April 1914, Wilson saw the opportunity to apply additional pressure on Huerta. Huerta refused to make amends, and Wilson therefore asked Congress for authority to use force against Mexico. But even before Congress could respond, Wilson invaded and took the port city of Veracruz to prevent, he said, a German shipment of arms from reaching Huerta’s forces. The Huerta government fell in July 1914, and the American occupation lasted until November, when Venustiano Carranza, a rival of Huerta, took power. When Wilson threw American support behind Carranza, and not his more radical and now-rival Pancho Villa, Villa and several hundred supporters attacked American interests and raided the town of Columbus, New Mexico, in March 1916, and killed over a dozen soldiers and civilians. Wilson ordered a punitive expedition of several thousand soldiers led by General John J. “Blackjack” Pershing to enter northern Mexico and capture Villa. But Villa eluded Pershing for nearly a year and, in 1917, with war in Europe looming and great injury done to U.S.-Mexican relations, Pershing left Mexico.

1914年4月，当墨西哥军队误捕了在坦皮科港口城市的美国海军水手时，威尔逊看到了对韦尔塔施加额外压力的机会。韦尔塔拒绝修复关系，因此威尔逊请求国会授权使用武力对抗墨西哥。然而，在国会尚未作出回应之前，威尔逊就已经入侵并占领了韦拉克鲁斯港口城市，声称此举是为了阻止一批德国武器送到韦尔塔的军队手中。韦尔塔政府在1914年7月倒台，随后美国占领了该地区，直到11月，贝努斯蒂亚诺·卡兰萨（Venustiano Carranza），韦尔塔的竞争对手，掌握了政权。当威尔逊决定支持卡兰萨而非其更激进且现为对手的潘乔·比利亚（Pancho Villa）时，比利亚和几百名支持者袭击了美国在当地的财产和设施，并在1916年3月袭击了新墨西哥州的哥伦布镇，造成十几名士兵和平民死亡。威尔逊随后命令由约翰·J·“黑杰克”·珀尔辛将军领导的几千名士兵组成的惩罚性远征队，进入墨西哥北部抓捕比利亚。然而，比利亚成功躲避了珀尔辛近一年的追捕，且随着欧洲战争的临近和美墨关系的恶化，珀尔辛最终在1917年撤出墨西哥。

The United States’ actions during the Mexican Revolution reflected long-standing American policy that justified interventionist actions in Latin American politics because of their potential bearing on the United States: on citizens, on shared territorial borders, and, perhaps most significantly, on economic investments. This example highlights the role of geography, or perhaps proximity, in the pursuit of imperial outcomes. But American interactions in more distant locations, in the Middle East, for instance, look quite different.

美国在墨西哥革命期间的行动反映了美国长期以来的一贯政策，即基于这些事件可能对美国产生影响，特别是在公民、共享边界以及经济投资方面，采取干预拉丁美洲政治的行动。这个例子突显了地理位置或说邻近性在追求帝国目标中的作用。然而，美国在更远地区的互动，例如在中东，则显得大为不同。

In 1867, Mark Twain traveled to the Middle East as part of a large tour group of Americans. In his satirical travelogue, The Innocents Abroad, he wrote, “The people [of the Middle East] stared at us everywhere, and we [Americans] stared at them. We generally made them feel rather small, too, before we got done with them, because we bore down on them with America’s greatness until we crushed them.” When Americans later intervened in the Middle East, they would do so convinced of their own superiority.

1867年，马克·吐温作为一个大型美国旅游团的一员，前往中东。在他的讽刺性旅行记《天真无邪的外国人》中，他写道：“中东的人们到处盯着我们看，而我们也盯着他们看。我们通常会让他们感到渺小，直到我们将他们压垮，因为我们带着美国的伟大压迫他们，直到把他们压垮。”后来，当美国人介入中东事务时，他们带着对自身优越感的信念。

The U.S. government had traditionally had little contact with the Middle East. Trade was limited, too limited for an economic relationship to be deemed vital to the national interest, but treaties were nevertheless signed between the U.S. and powers in the Middle East. Still, the majority of American involvement in the Middle East prior to World War I came not in the form of trade but in education, science, and humanitarian aid. American missionaries led the way. The first Protestant missionaries had arrived in 1819. Soon the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions and the boards of missions of the Reformed Church of America became dominant in missionary enterprises. Missions were established in almost every country of the Middle East, and even though their efforts resulted in relatively few converts, missionaries helped establish hospitals and schools, and their work laid the foundation for the establishment of Western-style universities, such as Robert College in Istanbul, Turkey (1863), the American University of Beirut (1866), and the American University of Cairo (1919).

美国政府传统上与中东的接触较少。贸易也有限，远不足以被认为是国家利益的关键组成部分，但美国与中东的各大势力之间依然签署了一些条约。尽管如此，第一次世界大战之前美国在中东的大多数活动并非通过贸易，而是通过教育、科学和人道主义援助展开的，尤其是美国传教士在其中发挥了重要作用。第一批新教传教士于1819年抵达。很快，美国外国传教委员会和美国改革教会的传教委员会成为传教工作中的主导力量。传教活动遍及中东几乎所有国家，虽然他们的努力带来的皈依者相对较少，但他们帮助建立了医院和学校，并为西式大学的建立奠定了基础，例如土耳其伊斯坦布尔的罗伯特学院（1863年）、贝鲁特的美国大学（1866年）和开罗的美国大学（1919年）。

III. 1898

1898年

Although the United States had a long history of international economic, military, and cultural engagement that stretched back deep into the eighteenth century, the Spanish-American and Philippine-American Wars (1898–1902) marked a crucial turning point in American interventions abroad. In pursuing war with Spain, and then engaging in counterrevolutionary conflict in the Philippines, the United States expanded the scope and strength of its global reach. Over the next two decades, the United States would become increasingly involved in international politics, particularly in Latin America. These new conflicts and ensuing territorial problems forced Americans to confront the ideological elements of imperialism. Should the United States act as an empire? Or were foreign interventions and the taking of territory antithetical to its founding democratic ideals? What exactly would be the relationship between the United States and its territories? And could colonial subjects be successfully and safely incorporated into the body politic as American citizens? The Spanish-American and Philippine-American Wars brought these questions, which had always lurked behind discussions of American expansion, out into the open.

尽管美国自18世纪以来在国际经济、军事和文化领域一直有着悠久的参与历史，但美西战争和美菲战争（1898–1902）标志着美国海外干预的一个重要转折点。在对西班牙开战并随后介入菲律宾的反革命冲突时，美国扩展了其全球影响的范围和力度。在接下来的二十年里，美国愈发积极地参与国际政治，特别是在拉丁美洲。这些新冲突以及随之而来的领土问题迫使美国人直面帝国主义的意识形态问题：美国是否应该作为一个帝国行事？还是说，外国干预和领土扩张与其创立时的民主理想背道而驰？美国与其领土究竟应当建立怎样的关系？殖民地的居民能否被成功且安全地纳入政治体系，成为美国公民？美西战争和美菲战争将这些问题——这些始终隐藏在美国扩张讨论背后的问题——公开地摆上了台面。

In 1898, Americans began in earnest to turn their attention southward to problems plaguing their neighbor Cuba. Since the middle of the nineteenth century, Cubans had tried unsuccessfully again and again to gain independence from Spain. The latest uprising, and the one that would prove fatal to Spain’s colonial designs, began in 1895 and was still raging in the winter of 1898. By that time, in an attempt to crush the uprising, Spanish general Valeriano Weyler y Nicolau had been conducting a policy of reconcentration—forcing Cubans living in certain cities to relocate en masse to military camps—for about two years. Prominent newspaper publishers sensationalized Spanish atrocities. Cubans in the United States and their allies raised cries of Cuba Libre! And while the U.S. government proclaimed a wish to avoid armed conflict with Spain, President McKinley became increasingly concerned about the safety of American lives and property in Cuba. He ordered the battleship Maine to Havana harbor in January 1898.

1898年，美国人开始认真将目光投向南方邻国古巴所面临的问题。自19世纪中期以来，古巴人多次尝试从西班牙手中争取独立，但都以失败告终。最新一次起义始于1895年，并最终证明是致命的一击，令西班牙的殖民计划破灭。这场起义到1898年冬天仍在激烈进行。为了镇压起义，西班牙将军巴列里亚诺·韦勒·尼科劳（Valeriano Weyler y Nicolau）已经实施了约两年的“集中政策”，强迫居住在某些城市的古巴人集体迁往军事营地。此时，美国的一些知名报纸大肆渲染西班牙的暴行。在美国的古巴人及其盟友高喊“自由古巴！”（Cuba Libre!）的同时，美国政府则声称希望避免与西班牙发生武装冲突。然而，总统威廉·麦金莱对美国在古巴的生命和财产安全日益担忧。他于1898年1月命令战舰“缅因号”（Maine）驶入哈瓦那港。

The Maine sat undisturbed in the harbor for about two weeks. Then, on the evening of February 15, a titanic explosion tore open the ship and sent it to the bottom of the ocean. Three quarters of the ship’s 354 occupants died. A naval board of inquiry immediately began an investigation to ascertain the cause of the explosion, but the loudest Americans had already decided that Spanish treachery was to blame. Capitalizing on the outrage, “yellow journals”—newspapers that promoted sensational stories, notoriously at the cost of accuracy—such as William Randolph Hearst’s New York Journal called for war with Spain. When urgent negotiations failed to produce a mutually agreeable settlement, Congress officially declared war on April 25.

“缅因号”在港内停泊了约两周，未受干扰。随后，在2月15日夜间，一场巨大的爆炸撕裂了舰体，使其沉入海底。舰上354名船员中有四分之三遇难。一支海军调查委员会立即展开调查，以查明爆炸原因，但最激进的美国人已经认定这是西班牙的阴谋。借助公众的愤怒，威廉·伦道夫·赫斯特的《纽约日报》（New York Journal）等煽动性“黄色新闻”报纸，呼吁对西班牙开战。在紧急谈判未能达成双方接受的协议后，美国国会于4月25日正式宣战。

Although America’s war effort began haphazardly, Spain’s decaying military crumbled. Military victories for the United States came quickly. In the Pacific, on May 1, Commodore George Dewey engaged the Spanish fleet outside Manila, the capital of the Philippines (another Spanish colonial possession), destroyed it, and proceeded to blockade Manila harbor. Two months later, American troops took Cuba’s San Juan Heights in what would become the most well-known battle of the war, winning fame not for regular soldiers but for the irregular, especially Theodore Roosevelt and his Rough Riders. Roosevelt had been the assistant secretary of the navy but had resigned his position in order to see action in the war. His actions in Cuba made him a national celebrity. As disease began to eat away at American troops, the Spanish suffered the loss of Santiago de Cuba on July 17, effectively ending the war. The two nations agreed to a cease-fire on August 12 and formally signed the Treaty of Paris in December. The terms of the treaty stipulated, among other things, that the United States would acquire Spain’s former holdings of Guam, Puerto Rico, and the Philippines.

尽管美国的战事开始时较为混乱，但西班牙逐渐衰败的军队迅速崩溃。美国的军事胜利来得很快。5月1日，美国海军准将乔治·杜威（George Dewey）在菲律宾首都马尼拉附近与西班牙舰队交战，将其摧毁后封锁了马尼拉港。两个月后，美国军队攻占了古巴的圣胡安高地，这场战斗成为战争中最著名的一役，其声名并非因正规士兵而来，而是由于非正规军，尤其是西奥多·罗斯福和他的“粗野骑兵队”。罗斯福曾任海军部助理部长，但辞职以亲身参与战争。他在古巴的表现使其成为全国名人。随着疾病开始侵蚀美军，西班牙于7月17日失去了圣地亚哥·德古巴，这实际上标志着战争的结束。两国于8月12日达成停战协议，并于12月正式签署《巴黎条约》。根据条约条款，美国获得了西班牙的前殖民地关岛、波多黎各和菲律宾。

Secretary of state John Hay memorably referred to the conflict as a “splendid little war,” and at the time it certainly appeared that way. Fewer than four hundred Americans died in battle in a war that lasted about fifteen weeks. Contemporaries celebrated American victories as the providential act of God. The influential Brooklyn minister Lyman Abbott, for instance, declared that Americans were “an elect people of God” and saw divine providence in Dewey’s victory at Manila. Some, such as Senator Albert J. Beveridge of Indiana, took matters one step further, seeing in American victory an opportunity for imperialism. In Beveridge’s view, America had a “mission to perform” and a “duty to discharge” around the world. What Beveridge envisioned was nothing less than an American empire.

国务卿约翰·海（John Hay）曾生动地将这场冲突称为一场“了不起的小战争”（splendid little war），而在当时，这的确似乎如此。这场战争持续了大约十五周，战斗中阵亡的美国士兵不到四百人。同代人将美国的胜利视为上帝的恩赐。例如，有影响力的布鲁克林牧师莱曼·阿博特（Lyman Abbott）宣称美国人是“上帝选中的民族”，并在杜威在马尼拉的胜利中看到了神的旨意。另一些人，例如印第安纳州参议员阿尔伯特·J·贝弗里奇（Albert J. Beveridge），则更进一步，将美国的胜利视为推行帝国主义的契机。在贝弗里奇看来，美国肩负着一项“必须完成的使命”和“必须履行的责任”。而他所设想的，正是一场建立美利坚帝国的伟大事业。

But the question of whether the United States should become an empire was sharply debated across the nation in the aftermath of the Spanish-American War and the acquisition of Hawaii in July 1898. At the behest of American businessmen who had overthrown the Hawaiian monarchy, the United States annexed the Hawaiian Islands and their rich plantations. Between Hawaii and a number of former Spanish possessions, many Americans coveted the economic and political advantages that increased territory would bring. Those opposed to expansion, however, worried that imperial ambitions did not accord with the nation’s founding ideals. American actions in the Philippines brought all of these discussions to a head.

然而，在美西战争结束及1898年7月美国吞并夏威夷之后，全美对于美国是否应该成为一个帝国的讨论异常激烈。在推翻夏威夷君主制的美国商人的要求下，美国吞并了夏威夷群岛及其富饶的种植园。对于夏威夷和其他前西班牙属地，许多美国人垂涎于扩张领土所带来的经济和政治优势。然而，反对扩张的人则担忧，帝国主义野心与美国的建国理想背道而驰。而美国在菲律宾的行动更将这一系列争论推向高潮。

The Philippines were an afterthought of the Spanish-American War, but when the smoke cleared, the United States found itself in possession of a key foothold in the Pacific. After Dewey’s victory over the Spanish fleet in the Battle of Manila Bay, conversations about how to proceed occupied the attentions of President McKinley, political leaders from both parties, and the popular press. American and Philippine forces (under the leadership of Emilio Aguinaldo) were in communication: Would the Americans offer their support to the Filipinos and their ongoing efforts against the Spanish? Or would the Americans replace the Spanish as a colonial occupying force? American forces were instructed to secure Manila without allowing Philippine forces to enter the Walled City (the seat of the Spanish colonial government), hinting, perhaps, at things to come. Americans wondered what would happen next. Perhaps a good many ordinary Americans shared the bewildered sentiments of Mr. Dooley, the fictional Irish-American barkeeper whom humorist Finley Peter Dunne used to satirize American life: “I don’t know what to do with th’ Ph’lippeens anny more thin I did las’ summer, befure I heerd tell iv thim. . . . We can’t sell thim, we can’t ate thim, an’ we can’t throw thim into the th’ alley whin no wan is lookin’’.”

菲律宾在美西战争中只是一个事后的附带产物，但当战火平息时，美国发现自己意外获得了在太平洋的关键立足点。在杜威海军准将于马尼拉湾战役中击败西班牙舰队后，如何进一步行动成为总统麦金利、两党政治领袖及大众媒体的关注焦点。美国和菲律宾武装力量（由埃米利奥·阿吉纳尔多领导）进行了交流：美国人会支持菲律宾人继续对抗西班牙的斗争吗？还是会取代西班牙成为新的殖民占领力量？美国军队被指示占领马尼拉，但不允许菲律宾武装进入“围城”（西班牙殖民政府所在地），这或许暗示了未来的发展方向。美国民众也在猜测接下来会发生什么。许多普通美国人可能和虚构的爱尔兰裔酒吧老板“杜利先生”一样困惑，这一角色是幽默作家芬利·彼得·邓恩用来讽刺美国社会的工具。他说：“我现在也不知道怎么处理菲律宾，就像去年夏天听说这个地方之前一样。……我们不能卖掉它们，也不能吃掉它们，更不能趁没人注意的时候把它们扔进小巷。”

As debates about American imperialism continued against the backdrop of an upcoming presidential election, tensions in the Philippines escalated. Emilio Aguinaldo was inaugurated as president of the First Philippine Republic (or Malolos Republic) in late January 1899; fighting between American and Philippine forces began in early February; and in April 1899, Congress ratified the 1898 Treaty of Paris, which concluded the Spanish-American War and gave Spain $20 million in exchange for the Philippine Islands.

当美国帝国主义的争论在即将到来的总统选举背景下继续进行时，菲律宾局势变得愈发紧张。埃米利奥·阿吉纳尔多于1899年1月下旬就任菲律宾第一共和国（或称马洛洛斯共和国）总统；美菲两军于2月初爆发战斗；而1899年4月，美国国会批准了1898年《巴黎条约》。该条约正式结束了美西战争，并以2000万美元的价格从西班牙手中购得菲律宾群岛。

Like the Cubans, Filipinos had waged a long war against their Spanish colonizers. The United States could have given them the independence they had long fought for, but, instead, at the behest of President William McKinley, the United States occupied the islands and from 1899 to 1902 waged a bloody series of conflicts against Filipino insurrectionists that cost far more lives than the war with Spain. Under the leadership of Emilio Aguinaldo, Filipinos who had fought for freedom against the Spanish now fought for freedom against the very nation that had claimed to have liberated them from Spanish tyranny.

与古巴人类似，菲律宾人也与西班牙殖民者进行了长期的斗争。美国本可以赋予他们为之长期奋斗的独立，但在总统威廉·麦金利的指示下，美国选择占领这些岛屿，并在1899年至1902年间与菲律宾起义军展开了一系列血腥冲突，这场战争造成的生命损失远远超过美西战争。在埃米利奥·阿吉纳尔多的领导下，那些曾为摆脱西班牙暴政而奋斗的菲律宾人，现在不得不为了自由与声称解放他们的美国抗争。

The Philippine Insurrection, or the Philippine-American War, was a brutal conflict of occupation and insurgency. Contemporaries compared the guerrilla-style warfare in challenging and unfamiliar terrain to the American experiences in the so-called Indian Wars of the late nineteenth century. Many commented on its brutality and the uncertain mission of American troops. An April 1899 dispatch from a Harper’s Weekly correspondent began, “A week has passed—a week of fighting and marching, of jungles and rivers, of incident and adventure so varied and of so rapid transition that to sit down to write about it makes one feel as if he were trying to describe a dream where time, space, and all the logical sequences of ordinary life are upset in the unrelenting brutality of war.” John Bass described his experiences in detail, and his reportage, combined with accounts that came directly from soldiers, helped shape public knowledge about the war. Reports of cruelty on both sides and a few high-profile military investigations ensured continued public attention to events across the Pacific.

菲律宾起义战争，或称美菲战争，是一场充满占领与反抗的残酷冲突。当时的人们将这种游击战形式与陌生复杂地形中的作战，类比为美国在19世纪末所谓“印第安战争”中的经历。许多人评论了战争的残酷性以及美军任务的不确定性。1899年4月，《哈珀周刊》的一名记者在电文中写道：“一周过去了——一周的战斗与行军，穿越丛林与河流，充满了各种变幻无常的事件与冒险，令人难以用语言形容，仿佛在描述一场打破时间、空间以及日常生活逻辑的梦境，而这一切都源自战争无情的残暴。” 约翰·巴斯详细描述了他的经历，他的报道与士兵们直接提供的描述一起，塑造了公众对这场战争的认知。关于双方残酷行为的报道以及几次备受瞩目的军事调查，确保了公众对太平洋彼岸事件的持续关注。

Amid fighting to secure the Philippine Islands, the federal government sent two Philippine Commissions to assess the situation in the islands and make recommendations for a civilian colonial government. A civilian administration, with William H. Taft as the first governor-general (1901–1903), was established with military support. Although President Theodore Roosevelt declared the war to be over in 1902, resistance and occasional fighting continued into the second decade of the twentieth century.

在为确保对菲律宾群岛的控制而战的同时，联邦政府派遣了两届菲律宾委员会以评估岛上的局势，并提出建立平民殖民政府的建议。1901年，威廉·霍华德·塔夫脱担任首任总督（1901–1903），以军事支持为后盾建立了平民行政管理机构。尽管西奥多·罗斯福总统在1902年宣布战争结束，但抵抗与零星战斗一直持续到20世纪第二个十年。

Debates about American imperialism dominated headlines and tapped into core ideas about American identity and the proper role of the United States in the larger world. Should a former colony, established on the principles of freedom, liberty, and sovereignty, become a colonizer itself? What was imperialism, anyway? Many framed the Filipino conflict as a Protestant, civilizing mission. Others framed American imperialism in the Philippines as nothing new, as simply the extension of a never-ending westward American expansion. It was simply destiny. Some saw imperialism as a way to reenergize the nation by asserting national authority and power around the globe. Others baldly recognized the opportunities the Philippine Islands presented for access to Asian markets. But critics grew loud. The American Anti-Imperialist League, founded in 1899 and populated by such prominent Americans as Mark Twain, Andrew Carnegie, and Jane Addams, protested American imperial actions and articulated a platform that decried foreign subjugation and upheld the rights of all to self-governance. Still others embraced anti-imperialist stances because of concerns about immigration and American racial identity, afraid that American purity stood imperiled by contact with strange and foreign peoples. For whatever reason, however, the onset or acceleration of imperialism was a controversial and landmark moment in American history. America had become a preeminent force in the world.

围绕美国帝国主义的辩论占据了新闻头条，触及了关于美国身份及其在全球中应有角色的核心问题。一片曾以自由、民主和主权为立国原则的殖民地，是否应该成为一个新的殖民者？帝国主义究竟是什么？许多人将菲律宾的冲突框定为一场新教徒的文明使命；另一些人则认为，美国在菲律宾的帝国主义并不新鲜，只是永无止境的美国西进扩张的延续罢了。这仅仅是命运使然。一些人将帝国主义视为通过在全球范围内宣示国家权威与力量来重新激发国家活力的方式；还有人直言不讳地承认，菲律宾群岛为进入亚洲市场提供了绝佳机会。然而，批评声日益高涨。1899年成立的美国反帝国主义联盟汇聚了马克·吐温、安德鲁·卡内基和简·亚当斯等著名美国人，他们反对美国的帝国主义行动，并提出了一个谴责外国征服、捍卫所有人自我治理权利的平台。还有一些人因对移民问题和美国种族身份的担忧而采取反帝国主义立场，他们担心与陌生而异域的民族接触会威胁到美国的纯洁性。无论出于何种原因，帝国主义的兴起或加速，都是美国历史上一个具有争议且具有里程碑意义的时刻。美国已然成为世界上一支重要的力量。

IV. Theodore Roosevelt and American Imperialism

四、西奥多·罗斯福与美国帝国主义

Under the leadership of President Theodore Roosevelt, the United States emerged from the nineteenth century with ambitious designs on global power through military might, territorial expansion, and economic influence. Though the Spanish-American War had begun under the administration of William McKinley, Roosevelt—the hero of San Juan Hill, assistant secretary of the navy, vice president, and president—was arguably the most visible and influential proponent of American imperialism at the turn of the century. Roosevelt’s emphasis on developing the American navy, and on Latin America as a key strategic area of U.S. foreign policy, would have long-term consequences.

在总统西奥多·罗斯福的领导下，美国以军事力量、领土扩张和经济影响为手段，从十九世纪迈入了对全球权力怀有雄心的新时代。尽管西班牙-美国战争是在威廉·麦金莱政府时期爆发的，但作为圣胡安山战役的英雄、海军助理部长、副总统及总统，罗斯福无疑是世纪之交美国帝国主义最显眼且最具影响力的倡导者。罗斯福对发展美国海军的重视，以及对拉丁美洲作为美国外交政策关键战略区域的定位，对美国的长期外交策略产生了深远影响。

In return for Roosevelt’s support of the Republican nominee, William McKinley, in the 1896 presidential election, McKinley appointed Roosevelt as assistant secretary of the navy. The head of the department, John Long, had a competent but lackadaisical managerial style that allowed Roosevelt a great deal of freedom which he used to network with such luminaries as military theorists Alfred Thayer Mahan and naval officer George Dewey and politicians such as Henry Cabot Lodge and William Howard Taft. During his tenure he oversaw the construction of new battleships and the implementation of new technology and laid the groundwork for new shipyards, all with the goal of projecting America’s power across the oceans. Roosevelt wanted to expand American influence. For instance, he advocated for the annexation of Hawaii for several reasons: it was within the American sphere of influence, it would deny Japanese expansion and limit potential threats to the West Coast, it had an excellent port for battleships at Pearl Harbor, and it would act as a fueling station on the way to pivotal markets in Asia.

作为对罗斯福在1896年总统选举中支持共和党候选人威廉·麦金莱的回报，麦金莱任命罗斯福为海军助理部长。部门负责人约翰·朗管理能力虽称职，但风格懒散，这使罗斯福拥有了相当大的自由度。他利用这一自由与军事理论家阿尔弗雷德·塞耶·马汉、海军军官乔治·杜威，以及政界人物亨利·卡博特·洛奇和威廉·霍华德·塔夫脱建立了紧密联系。在任期间，罗斯福推动新型战舰的建造、采用新技术，并为新船厂的建设奠定了基础，其目标是将美国的力量投射到全球海洋。罗斯福希望扩大美国的影响力。例如，他主张吞并夏威夷，原因包括：夏威夷位于美国势力范围内；吞并可阻止日本扩张并减少对美国西海岸的潜在威胁；珍珠港是一个极佳的战舰港口；此外，夏威夷可作为通往亚洲重要市场的加油站。

Roosevelt, after winning headlines in the war, ran as vice president under McKinley and rose to the presidency after McKinley’s assassination by the anarchist Leon Czolgosz in 1901. Among his many interventions in American life, Roosevelt acted with vigor to expand the military, bolstering naval power especially, to protect and promote American interests abroad. This included the construction of eleven battleships between 1904 and 1907. Alfred Thayer Mahan’s naval theories, described in his The Influence of Sea Power upon History, influenced Roosevelt a great deal. In contrast to theories that advocated for commerce raiding, coastal defense, and small “brown water” ships, the imperative to control the sea required battleships and a “blue water” navy that could engage and win decisive battles with rival fleets. As president, Roosevelt continued the policies he established as assistant secretary of the navy and expanded the U.S. fleet. The mission of the Great White Fleet, sixteen all-white battleships that sailed around the world between 1907 and 1909, exemplified America’s new power.

罗斯福在战争中赢得了广泛关注，随后以副总统身份与麦金莱搭档参选，并在1901年麦金莱被无政府主义者李昂·乔戈什刺杀后继任总统。在任期间，罗斯福采取了积极的政策来扩充军事实力，特别是加强海军力量，以保护和促进美国在海外的利益。这包括在1904年至1907年间建造了11艘战列舰。阿尔弗雷德·塞耶·马汉的海军理论，特别是在其著作《海权对历史的影响》中提出的观点，对罗斯福产生了深远影响。与主张袭击商船、沿海防御和使用小型“棕水”船只的理论不同，马汉强调控制海洋的关键在于拥有能够在决定性战役中击败敌方舰队的战列舰和“蓝水”海军。作为总统，罗斯福延续了他担任海军助理部长时制定的政策，进一步扩展了美国舰队的规模。1907年至1909年间，“大白舰队”由16艘涂成白色的战列舰组成，环绕全球航行，彰显了美国的新兴海上力量。

Roosevelt insisted that the “big stick” and the persuasive power of the U.S. military could ensure U.S. hegemony over strategically important regions in the Western Hemisphere. The United States used military intervention in various circumstances to further its objectives, but it did not have the ability or the inclination to militarily impose its will on the entirety of South and Central America. The United States therefore more often used informal methods of empire, such as so-called dollar diplomacy, to assert dominance over the hemisphere.

罗斯福坚信，通过“巨棒政策”（Big Stick Policy）和美国军事的威慑力，可以确保美国对西半球战略重要地区的霸权地位。虽然美国在多个场合通过军事干预实现其目标，但它既没有能力也无意对整个中南美洲实施全面的军事控制。因此，美国更多地依靠非正式的帝国主义手段，例如所谓的“金元外交”（Dollar Diplomacy），来巩固对该地区的主导地位。

The United States actively intervened again and again in Latin America. Throughout his time in office, Roosevelt exerted U.S. control over Cuba (even after it gained formal independence in 1902) and Puerto Rico, and he deployed naval forces to ensure Panama’s independence from Colombia in 1903 in order to acquire a U.S. Canal Zone. Furthermore, Roosevelt pronounced the Roosevelt Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine in 1904, proclaiming U.S. police power in the Caribbean. As articulated by President James Monroe in his annual address to Congress in 1823, the United States would treat any military intervention in Latin America by a European power as a threat to American security. Roosevelt reaffirmed the Monroe Doctrine and expanded it by declaring that the United States had the right to preemptive action through intervention in any Latin American nation in order to correct administrative and fiscal deficiencies.

在拉丁美洲，美国频繁地进行干预。在罗斯福任期内，美国继续对古巴（即便后者在1902年正式独立）和波多黎各施加控制。此外，罗斯福在1903年派遣海军力量确保巴拿马从哥伦比亚独立，以获得修建巴拿马运河区的权利。此外，罗斯福于1904年宣布了《罗斯福推论》，作为对《门罗主义》的扩展。《门罗主义》由总统詹姆斯·门罗于1823年在年度国会演讲中提出，主张将欧洲列强在拉丁美洲的任何军事干预视为对美国安全的威胁。罗斯福重申了《门罗主义》，并进一步扩展其内容，宣称美国有权在拉丁美洲国家采取预防性行动，以纠正其行政和财政上的缺陷。

Roosevelt’s policy justified numerous and repeated police actions in “dysfunctional” Caribbean and Latin American countries by U.S. Marines and naval forces and enabled the founding of the naval base at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba. This approach is sometimes referred to as gunboat diplomacy, wherein naval forces and Marines land in a national capital to protect American and Western personnel, temporarily seize control of the government, and dictate policies friendly to American business, such as the repayment of foreign loans. For example, in 1905 Roosevelt sent the Marines to occupy the Dominican Republic and established financial supervision over the Dominican government. Imperialists often framed such actions as almost humanitarian. They celebrated white Anglo-Saxon societies such as those found in the United States and the British Empire as advanced practitioners of nation-building and civilization, helping to uplift debtor nations in Latin America that lacked the manly qualities of discipline and self-control. Roosevelt, for instance, preached that it was the “manly duty” of the United States to exercise an international police power in the Caribbean and to spread the benefits of Anglo-Saxon civilization to inferior states populated by inferior peoples. The president’s language, for instance, contrasted debtor nations’ “impotence” with the United States’ civilizing influence, belying new ideas that associated self-restraint and social stability with Anglo-Saxon manliness.

罗斯福的政策为美国海军陆战队和海军在加勒比地区和拉丁美洲“功能失调”国家中频繁进行的“警察行动”提供了正当理由，并促成了美国在古巴关塔那摩湾海军基地的建立。这种政策常被称为“炮舰外交”，即利用海军力量和陆战队在目标国家首都登陆，保护美国和西方人员的安全，暂时接管政府并推行对美国商业有利的政策，例如偿还外债。例如，1905年罗斯福派遣海军陆战队占领多米尼加共和国，并对其政府实行财政监管。帝国主义者通常将此类行动描述为几近人道主义的努力。他们赞扬美国和大英帝国等白人盎格鲁-撒克逊社会，认为其是国家建设和文明的先进实践者，能够帮助提升拉丁美洲那些缺乏“纪律和自控力”等“阳刚品质”的债务国家。例如，罗斯福宣扬，美国行使加勒比地区的国际警察权并将盎格鲁-撒克逊文明的益处传播给“低等国家”，是其“阳刚的责任”。总统的言辞中，将债务国的“无能”与美国的“文明影响”形成对比，进一步体现了当时将自我约束与社会稳定与盎格鲁-撒克逊男子气概相联系的新观念。

Dollar diplomacy offered a less costly method of empire and avoided the troubles of military occupation. Washington worked with bankers to provide loans to Latin American nations in exchange for some level of control over their national fiscal affairs. Roosevelt first implemented dollar diplomacy on a vast scale, while Presidents Taft and Wilson continued the practice in various forms during their own administrations. All confronted instability in Latin America. Rising debts to European and American bankers allowed for the inroads of modern life but destabilized much of the region. Bankers, beginning with financial houses in London and New York, saw Latin America as an opportunity for investment. Lenders took advantage of the region’s newly formed governments’ need for cash and exacted punishing interest rates on massive loans, which were then sold off in pieces on the secondary bond market. American economic interests were now closely aligned with the region but also further undermined by the chronic instability of the region’s newly formed governments, which were often plagued by mismanagement, civil wars, and military coups in the decades following their independence. Turnover in regimes interfered with the repayment of loans, as new governments often repudiated the national debt or forced a renegotiation with suddenly powerless lenders.

金元外交提供了一种成本较低的帝国主义手段，避免了军事占领的困扰。华盛顿与银行家合作，为拉丁美洲国家提供贷款，以换取对其国家财政事务的某种程度的控制。罗斯福率先大规模推行金元外交，而总统塔夫脱和威尔逊在其任期内以不同形式延续了这一政策。三位总统都面临着拉丁美洲的动荡局势。欧洲和美国银行家的债务需求促进了现代化生活的引入，却也使这一地区的不稳定状况加剧。伦敦和纽约的金融机构将拉丁美洲视为投资机会，利用新成立的拉美政府急需资金的状况，以高额利率向其提供巨额贷款，这些贷款随后被分拆并出售于次级债券市场。随着美国经济利益日益与该地区挂钩，拉丁美洲地区的不稳定状况愈加威胁这些利益。独立后数十年，该地区的新兴政府往往因管理不善、内战及军事政变而困扰。频繁更迭的政权阻碍了贷款的偿还，新政府往往拒绝承认国家债务或迫使权势骤失的债权人重新谈判。

Creditors could not force settlements of loans until they successfully lobbied their own governments to get involved and forcibly collect debts. The Roosevelt administration did not want to deny the Europeans’ rightful demands of repayment of debt, but it also did not want to encourage European policies of conquest in the hemisphere as part of that debt collection. U.S. policy makers and military strategists within the Roosevelt administration determined that this European practice of military intervention posed a serious threat to American interests in the region. Roosevelt reasoned that the United States must create and maintain fiscal and political stability within strategically important nations in Latin America, particularly those affecting routes to and from the proposed Panama Canal. As a result, U.S. policy makers considered intervention in places like Cuba and the Dominican Republic a necessity to ensure security around the region.

债权人只有在成功游说本国政府介入以强制收回债务后，才能解决贷款问题。然而，罗斯福政府既不愿否认欧洲债权人的正当债务诉求，又不希望欧洲以征服政策收回债务，从而对整个美洲构成威胁。罗斯福政府的政策制定者和军事战略家认为，欧洲的军事干预行为对美国在该地区的利益构成了严重威胁。罗斯福推断，美国必须在拉丁美洲的战略重要国家内建立并维持财政和政治稳定，特别是那些影响到巴拿马运河及其航线的国家。因此，美国政策制定者认为，对古巴、多米尼加共和国等地的干预是确保该地区安全的必要措施。

The Monroe Doctrine provided the Roosevelt administration with a diplomatic and international legal tradition through which it could assert a U.S. right and obligation to intervene in the hemisphere. The Roosevelt Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine asserted that the United States wished to promote stable, prosperous states in Latin America that could live up to their political and financial obligations. Roosevelt declared that “wrongdoing, or an impotence which results in a general loosening of the ties of civilized society, may finally require intervention by some civilized nation, and in the Western Hemisphere the United States cannot ignore this duty.” President Monroe declared what Europeans could not do in the Western Hemisphere; Roosevelt inverted his doctrine to legitimize direct U.S. intervention in the region.

门罗主义为罗斯福政府提供了一个外交和国际法律传统，依据这一传统，美国可以主张在西半球有权且有责任进行干预。罗斯福推论是对门罗主义的扩展，宣称美国希望促进拉丁美洲国家的稳定与繁荣，帮助这些国家履行政治和财政义务。罗斯福宣称：“不当行为，或者无力以致导致文明社会的普遍松弛，最终可能需要某个文明国家进行干预，在西半球，美国不能忽视这一责任。” 门罗总统宣告了欧洲列强不得在西半球干涉的政策；而罗斯福则反转了这一理论，赋予美国在该地区进行直接干预的合法性。

Though aggressive and bellicose, Roosevelt did not necessarily advocate expansion by military force. In fact, the president insisted that in dealings with the Latin American nations, he did not seek national glory or expansion of territory and believed that war or intervention should be a last resort when resolving conflicts with problematic governments. According to Roosevelt, such actions were necessary to maintain “order and civilization.” Then again, Roosevelt certainly believed in using military power to protect national interests and spheres of influence when absolutely necessary. He also believed that the American sphere included not only Hawaii and the Caribbean but also much of the Pacific. When Japanese victories over Russia threatened the regional balance of power, he sponsored peace talks between Russian and Japanese leaders, earning him a Nobel Peace Prize in 1906.

尽管罗斯福采取了激进和好战的态度，他并不一定主张通过军事力量进行扩张。事实上，总统坚称，在与拉丁美洲国家打交道时，他并不寻求国家荣耀或领土扩张，且认为战争或干预应当是解决与问题政府冲突时的最后手段。罗斯福认为，此类行动对于维持“秩序与文明”是必要的。然而，罗斯福确实相信在绝对必要时可以使用军事力量保护国家利益和势力范围。他还认为，美国的势力范围不仅包括夏威夷和加勒比地区，还包括太平洋的广阔区域。当日本在俄日战争中获胜威胁到地区力量平衡时，罗斯福促成了俄日领导人之间的和平谈判，因而获得了1906年的诺贝尔和平奖。

V. Women and Imperialism

五、女性与帝国主义

Debates over American imperialism revolved around more than just politics and economics and national self-interest. They also included notions of humanitarianism, morality, religion, and ideas of “civilization.” And they included significant participation by American women.

关于美国帝国主义的辩论不仅仅围绕政治、经济和国家利益展开，也涉及到人道主义、道德、宗教和“文明”观念。女性在这些讨论中也扮演了重要角色。

In the fall of 1903, Margaret McLeod, age twenty-one, originally of Boston, found herself in Australia on family business and in need of income. Fortuitously, she made the acquaintance of Alexander MacWillie, the top salesman for the H. J. Heinz Company, who happened to be looking for a young lady to serve as a “demonstrator” of Heinz products to potential consumers. McLeod proved to be such an attractive purveyor of India relish and baked beans that she accompanied MacWillie on the rest of his tour of Australia and continued on to South Africa, India, and Japan. Wherever she went, this “dainty young girl with golden hair in white cap and tucker” drew attention to Heinz’s products, but, in a much larger sense, she was also projecting an image of middle-class American domesticity, of pure womanhood. Heinz saw itself not only as purveying economical and healthful foodstuffs—it was bringing the blessings of civilization to the world.

1903年秋季，21岁的玛格丽特·麦克劳德（Margaret McLeod），原籍波士顿，因家族事务来到澳大利亚并需要谋生。幸运的是，她结识了H. J. 亨氏公司（H. J. Heinz Company）的顶级推销员亚历山大·麦克威利（Alexander MacWillie），后者正寻找一位年轻女子来担任亨氏产品的“示范员”，向潜在消费者展示产品。麦克劳德成为了一名非常吸引顾客的亨氏食品推销员，她跟随麦克威利完成了澳大利亚的巡回展示，并继续前往南非、印度和日本。在她去到的每一个地方，这位“金发、白帽、白围裙的娇小年轻女孩”都吸引了人们对亨氏产品的关注，但从更广泛的意义上看，她还在传播一种中产阶级美国家庭生活的形象，象征着纯洁的女性气质。亨氏公司认为，它不仅在销售经济实惠、健康的食品，还在将文明的福祉带到世界各地。

When commentators, such as Theodore Roosevelt in his speech on “the strenuous life,” spoke about America’s overseas ventures, they generally gave the impression that this was a strictly masculine enterprise—the work of soldiers, sailors, government officials, explorers, businessmen, and scientists. But in fact, U.S. imperialism, which focused as much on economic and cultural influence as on military or political power, offered a range of opportunities for white, middle-class, Christian women. In addition to working as representatives of American business, women could serve as missionaries, teachers, and medical professionals, and as artists and writers they were inspired by and helped transmit ideas about imperialism.

当时一些评论家，如西奥多·罗斯福（Theodore Roosevelt）在他的《艰苦生活》（The Strenuous Life）演讲中提到美国的海外事业时，通常给人的印象是这是一项完全男性化的事业——是士兵、海员、政府官员、探险家、商人和科学家的工作。然而，事实上，美国帝国主义，美国帝国主义既注重军事或政治权力，也注重经济和文化影响力，给了白人中产阶级基督教女性许多机会。除了担任美国商业代表外，女性还可以作为传教士、教师、医疗专业人员，甚至作为艺术家和作家，她们受到了帝国主义思想的启发并帮助传播这些理念。

Moreover, the rhetoric of civilization that underlay imperialism was itself a highly gendered concept. According to the racial theory of the day, humans progressed through hierarchical stages of civilization in an orderly, linear fashion. Only Europeans and Americans had attained the highest level of civilization, which was superficially marked by whiteness but also included an industrial economy and a gender division in which men and women had diverging but complementary roles. Social and technological progress had freed women of the burdens of physical labor and elevated them to a position of moral and spiritual authority. White women thus potentially had important roles to play in U.S. imperialism, both as symbols of the benefits of American civilization and as vehicles for the transmission of American values.

此外，支撑帝国主义的文明论述本身也是一个高度性别化的概念。根据当时的种族理论，人类在有序、线性的过程中经历了文明的不同阶段。只有欧洲人和美国人达到了文明的最高层次，这一层次在表面上由白人标志，但也包括工业经济和性别分工，其中男性和女性有着不同但互补的角色。社会和技术的进步解放了女性免于体力劳动的负担，并使她们处于道德和精神的权威位置。因此，白人女性在美国帝国主义中潜在地有着重要的角色，既是美国文明益处的象征，也是美国价值观传播的载体。

Civilization, while often cloaked in the language of morality and Christianity, was very much an economic concept. The stages of civilization were primarily marked by their economic character (hunter-gatherer, agricultural, industrial), and the consumption of industrially produced commodities was seen as a key moment in the progress of “savages” toward civilized life. Over the course of the nineteenth century, women in the West, for instance, had become closely associated with consumption, particularly of those commodities used in the domestic sphere. Thus it must have seemed natural for Alexander MacWillie to hire Margaret McLeod to “demonstrate” ketchup and chili sauce at the same time as she “demonstrated” white, middle-class domesticity. By adopting the use of such progressive products in their homes, consumers could potentially absorb even the virtues of American civilization.

文明虽然经常披着道德和基督教的外衣，但在很大程度上是一个经济概念。文明的不同阶段主要由其经济特征标志（狩猎采集、农业、工业），而消费工业化生产的商品被视为“野蛮人”迈向文明生活的关键时刻。例如，19世纪西方的女性与消费密切相关，特别是与家务领域中使用的商品。因此，亚历山大·麦克威利雇佣玛格丽特·麦克劳德去“示范”番茄酱和辣椒酱的同时，她也在“示范”白人中产阶级的家庭生活似乎是顺理成章的事情。通过在家中使用这些先进的产品，消费者或许能够吸收美国文明的美德。

In some ways, women’s work in support of imperialism can be seen as an extension of the kind of activities many of them were already engaged in among working-class, immigrant, and Native American communities in the United States. Many white women felt that they had a duty to spread the benefits of Christian civilization to those less fortunate than themselves. American overseas ventures, then, merely expanded the scope of these activities—literally, in that the geographical range of possibilities encompassed practically the entire globe, and figuratively, in that imperialism significantly raised the stakes of women’s work. No longer only responsible for shaping the next generation of American citizens, white women now had a crucial role to play in the maintenance of civilization itself. They too would help determine whether civilization would continue to progress.

从某种程度上讲，女性在支持帝国主义中的工作可以被看作是她们在美国工人阶级、移民和美洲土著社区中从事的活动的延伸。许多白人女性认为，她们有责任将基督教文明的益处传播给那些不如自己幸运的人。因此，美国的海外事业实际上仅仅是扩大了这些活动的范围——无论是在地理范围上，几乎涵盖了全球，还是在比喻意义上，帝国主义大大提高了女性工作的赌注。白人女性不再仅仅负责塑造美国公民的下一代，她们现在在维持文明本身方面也扮演着至关重要的角色。她们同样将帮助决定文明是否能继续进步。

Of course, not all women were active supporters of U.S. imperialism. Many actively opposed it. Although the most prominent public voices against imperialism were male, women made up a large proportion of the membership of organizations like the Anti-Imperialist League. For white women like Jane Addams and Josephine Shaw Lowell, anti-imperialist activism was an outgrowth of their work in opposition to violence and in support of democracy. Black female activists, meanwhile, generally viewed imperialism as a form of racial antagonism and drew parallels between the treatments of African Americans at home and, for example, Filipinos abroad. Indeed, Ida B. Wells viewed her anti-lynching campaign as a kind of anti-imperialist activism.

当然，并不是所有女性都是美国帝国主义的积极支持者。许多女性积极反对它。尽管反对帝国主义的最著名公开声音多为男性，但女性在像反帝国主义联盟这样的组织中占据了很大比例。对于像简·亚当斯（Jane Addams）和约瑟芬·肖·洛威尔（Josephine Shaw Lowell）这样的白人女性来说，反帝国主义的行动是她们反对暴力和支持民主工作的延伸。与此同时，黑人女性活动家通常将帝国主义视为一种种族敌对行为，并将非裔美国人在国内的待遇与菲律宾人在国外的待遇进行类比。实际上，艾达·B·韦尔斯（Ida B. Wells）将她的反私刑运动视为一种反帝国主义的行动。

VI. Immigration

六、移民

For Americans at the turn of the century, imperialism and immigration were two sides of the same coin. The involvement of American women with imperialist and anti-imperialist activity demonstrates how foreign policy concerns were brought home and became, in a sense, domesticated. It is also no coincidence that many of the women involved in both imperialist and anti-imperialist organizations were also concerned with the plight of new arrivals to the United States. Industrialization, imperialism, and immigration were all linked. Imperialism had at its core a desire for markets for American goods, and those goods were increasingly manufactured by immigrant labor. This sense of growing dependence on “others” as producers and consumers, along with doubts about their capability of assimilation into the mainstream of white, Protestant American society, caused a great deal of anxiety among native-born Americans.

对于19世纪末20世纪初的美国人来说，帝国主义和移民是同一个硬币的两面。美国女性参与帝国主义和反帝国主义活动，展示了外国政策问题如何回到国内，成为一种“家常话”。而且，许多既参与帝国主义也参与反帝国主义组织的女性，同样关注着新到美国的移民的困境，这一点也并非巧合。工业化、帝国主义和移民是相互关联的。帝国主义的核心是寻求美国商品的市场，而这些商品越来越多地由移民劳动生产。这种对“其他人”作为生产者和消费者的日益依赖感，加上对白人新教美国社会主流是否能接纳他们的疑虑，引发了本土美国人的极大焦虑。

Between 1870 and 1920, over twenty-five million immigrants arrived in the United States. This migration was largely a continuation of a process begun before the Civil War, though by the turn of the twentieth century, new groups such as Italians, Poles, and Eastern European Jews made up a larger percentage of the arrivals while Irish and German numbers began to dwindle.

1870年至1920年间，超过2500万移民来到美国。 这一迁移大体上是美国内战前便已开始的过程的延续，尽管到了20世纪初，新移民群体如意大利人、波兰人和东欧犹太人占据了更大的比例，而爱尔兰人和德国人数量则开始减少。

Although the growing U.S. economy needed large numbers of immigrant workers for its factories and mills, many Americans reacted negatively to the arrival of so many immigrants. Nativists opposed mass immigration for various reasons. Some felt that the new arrivals were unfit for American democracy, and that Irish or Italian immigrants used violence or bribery to corrupt municipal governments. Others (often earlier immigrants themselves) worried that the arrival of even more immigrants would result in fewer jobs and lower wages. Such fears combined and resulted in anti-Chinese protests on the West Coast in the 1870s. Still others worried that immigrants brought with them radical ideas such as socialism and communism. These fears multiplied after the Chicago Haymarket affair in 1886, in which immigrants were accused of killing police officers in a bomb blast.

尽管美国经济日益需要大量移民工人在工厂和磨坊工作，但许多美国人对这么多移民的到来反应消极。本土主义者因各种原因反对大规模移民。一些人认为新来的移民不适合美国的民主制度，认为爱尔兰或意大利移民通过暴力或贿赂腐化地方政府。另一些人（往往也是早期的移民）担心更多的移民到来会导致工作机会减少和工资下降。这种恐惧结合在一起，导致了1870年代西海岸的反华抗议。还有一些人担心移民带来了诸如社会主义和共产主义等激进思想。在1886年的芝加哥海马克特事件后，这些恐惧情绪加剧，在事件中移民被指控在炸弹爆炸中杀害警察。

In September 1876, Franklin Benjamin Sanborn, a member of the Massachusetts Board of State Charities, gave an address in support of the introduction of regulatory federal immigration legislation at an interstate conference of charity officials in Saratoga, New York. Immigration might bring some benefits, but “it also introduces disease, ignorance, crime, pauperism and idleness.” Sanborn thus advocated federal action to stop “indiscriminate and unregulated immigration.”

1876年9月，弗兰克林·本杰明·桑本（Franklin Benjamin Sanborn），马萨诸塞州州立慈善委员会的成员，在纽约萨拉托加举行的跨州慈善官员会议上发表了支持引入联邦移民监管立法的讲话。桑本认为，移民可能带来一些好处，但“它同样带来了疾病、无知、犯罪、贫困和懒散。”因此，桑本提议采取联邦行动，停止“无差别且不受监管的移民。”

Sanborn’s address was aimed at restricting only the immigration of paupers from Europe to the East Coast, but the idea of immigration restrictions was common across the United States in the late nineteenth century, when many variously feared that the influx of foreigners would undermine the racial, economic, and moral integrity of American society. From the 1870s to the 1920s, the federal government passed a series of laws limiting or discontinuing the immigration of particular groups, and the United States remained committed to regulating the kind of immigrants who would join American society. To critics, regulations legitimized racism, class bias, and ethnic prejudice as formal national policy.

桑本的讲话旨在限制仅来自欧洲的贫民移民流入东海岸，但在19世纪晚期，美国各地普遍存在对移民限制的呼声。许多人担心外来移民涌入会破坏美国社会的种族、经济和道德完整性。从1870年代到1920年代，联邦政府通过了一系列法律，限制或停止了特定群体的移民，并始终致力于管控能够加入美国社会的移民类型。对于批评者来说，移民法规将种族主义、阶级偏见和族裔偏见合法化，成为正式的国家政策。

The first move for federal immigration control came from California, where racial hostility toward Chinese immigrants had mounted since the midnineteenth century. In addition to accusing Chinese immigrants of racial inferiority and unfitness for American citizenship, opponents claimed that they were also economically and morally corrupting American society with cheap labor and immoral practices, such as prostitution. Immigration restriction was necessary for the “Caucasian race of California,” as one anti-Chinese politician declared, and for European Americans to “preserve and maintain their homes, their business, and their high social and moral position.” In 1875, the anti-Chinese crusade in California moved Congress to pass the Page Act, which banned the entry of convicted criminals, Asian laborers brought involuntarily, and women imported “for the purposes of prostitution,” a stricture designed chiefly to exclude Chinese women. Then, in May 1882, Congress suspended the immigration of all Chinese laborers with the Chinese Exclusion Act, making the Chinese the first immigrant group subject to admission restrictions on the basis of race. They became the first illegal immigrants.

联邦移民管控的首次行动来自加利福尼亚，自19世纪中期以来，加利福尼亚州对华人移民的种族敌意愈演愈烈。除了指控华人移民在种族上劣等、不适合成为美国公民外，反对者还声称，他们通过廉价劳动力和不道德的行为（如卖淫）腐化了美国社会。因此，限制移民对于“加利福尼亚的高加索种族”来说至关重要，正如一位反华政治家所宣称的那样，而对于欧洲裔美国人来说，“必须保护和维护他们的家庭、事业以及高尚的社会和道德地位。” 1875年，加利福尼亚的反华运动促使国会通过了佩奇法案（Page Act），该法案禁止有前科的罪犯、非自愿带来的亚洲劳工以及被引进“用于卖淫”的女性入境，这一规定主要是为了排除华人女性。然后，1882年5月，国会通过了排华法案（Chinese Exclusion Act），暂停了所有华人劳工的移民，使华人成为第一个受到种族性入境限制的移民群体。他们成为了第一个非法移民。

On the other side of the country, Atlantic Seaboard states also facilitated the formation of federal immigration policy. Since the colonial period, East Coast states had regulated immigration through their own passenger laws, which prohibited the landing of destitute foreigners unless shipmasters prepaid certain amounts of money in the support of those passengers. State-level control of pauper immigration developed into federal policy in the early 1880s. In August 1882, Congress passed the Immigration Act, denying admission to people who were not able to support themselves and those, such as paupers, people with mental illnesses, or convicted criminals, who might otherwise threaten the security of the nation.

在美国的另一端， 大西洋沿岸各州也推动了联邦移民政策的形成。从殖民时期起，东海岸各州通过自身的乘客法规定了移民政策，这些法案禁止贫困外国人入境，除非船长提前支付一定金额来支持这些乘客。到19世纪80年代初，州级对贫民移民的控制逐渐发展为联邦政策。1882年8月，国会通过了《移民法》，拒绝接纳那些无法自给自足的人群，以及像贫民、精神病患者或有犯罪记录的人，这些人可能威胁国家安全。

The category of excludable people expanded continuously after 1882. In 1885, in response to American workers’ complaints about cheap immigrant labor, Congress added foreign workers migrating under labor contracts with American employers to the list of excludable people. Six years later, the federal government included people who seemed likely to become wards of the state, people with contagious diseases, and polygamists, and made all groups of excludable people deportable. In 1903, those who would pose ideological threats to American republican democracy, such as anarchists and socialists, also became the subject of new immigration restrictions.

自1882年以来，可排除群体的范围不断扩大。1885年，回应美国工人对廉价移民劳动力的抱怨，国会将依靠劳动合同从外国雇主迁徙的工人列入排除名单。六年后，联邦政府将可能成为国家监护人的人、患有传染性疾病的人和一夫多妻制者也列为排除群体，并使所有这些排除群体的成员可被驱逐出境。1903年，那些可能对美国共和民主构成意识形态威胁的人，如无政府主义者和社会主义者，也成为了新移民限制的对象。

Many immigration critics were responding to the shifting demographics of American immigration. The center of immigrant-sending regions shifted from northern and western Europe to southern and eastern Europe and Asia. These “new immigrants” were poorer, spoke languages other than English, and were likely Catholic or Jewish. White Protestant Americans typically regarded them as inferior, and American immigration policy began to reflect more explicit prejudice than ever before. One restrictionist declared that these immigrants were “races with which the English-speaking people have never hitherto assimilated, and who are most alien to the great body of the people of the United States.” The increased immigration of people from southern and eastern Europe, such as Italians, Jews, Slavs, and Greeks, led directly to calls for tighter restrictive measures. In 1907, the immigration of Japanese laborers was practically suspended when the American and Japanese governments reached the so-called Gentlemen’s Agreement, according to which Japan would stop issuing passports to working-class emigrants. In its forty-two-volume report of 1911, the U.S. Immigration Commission highlighted the impossibility of incorporating these new immigrants into American society. The report highlighted their supposed innate inferiority, asserting that they were the causes of rising social problems in America, such as poverty, crime, prostitution, and political radicalism.

许多移民批评者的反应与美国移民人口的变化有关。移民来源地的中心从北欧和西欧转向了南欧、东欧和亚洲。这些“新移民”更加贫困，说非英语的语言，且大多是天主教徒或犹太人。白人新教徒美国人通常认为他们是劣等的，随着这种移民的增加，美国移民政策开始显现出比以往更加明确的偏见。一位移民限制支持者宣称，这些移民是“与讲英语的民族从未能融合的种族，他们与美国广大人民格格不入。” 从南欧和东欧移民的增加，如意大利人、犹太人、斯拉夫人和希腊人，直接导致了对更严格限制措施的呼声。1907年，当美日政府达成所谓的《绅士协议》时，几乎暂停了日本劳工的移民，根据协议，日本将停止为工人阶级移民签发护照。1911年，美国移民委员会在其42卷的报告中强调了将这些新移民融入美国社会的不可行性。报告指出，他们天生劣等，是美国社会中上升的社会问题（如贫困、犯罪、卖淫和政治激进主义）的根源。

The assault against immigrants’ Catholicism provides an excellent example of the challenges immigrant groups faced in the United States. By 1900, Catholicism in the United States had grown dramatically in size and diversity, from 1 percent of the population a century earlier to the largest religious denomination in America (though still outnumbered by Protestants as a whole). As a result, Catholics in America faced two intertwined challenges: one external, related to Protestant anti-Catholicism, and the other internal, having to do with the challenges of assimilation.

对移民天主教信仰的攻击提供了一个很好的例子，说明移民群体在美国面临的挑战。到1900年，天主教在美国的规模和多样性发生了剧变，从一个世纪前仅占1%人口比例，发展为美国最大的宗教派别（尽管仍然被整体的基督新教徒数量超过）。因此，美国的天主教徒面临着两个交织的挑战：一个是外部的，涉及到新教徒的反天主教情绪，另一个是内部的，关系到如何进行文化适应。

Externally, the Church and its members remained an “outsider” religion in a nation that continued to see itself as culturally and religiously Protestant. Torrents of anti-Catholic literature and scandalous rumors maligned Catholics. Many Protestants doubted whether Catholics could ever make loyal Americans because they supposedly owed primary allegiance to the pope.

外部的挑战是，天主教会及其成员依然被视为“外来”宗教，而美国依旧认为自己是文化和宗教上以新教为主的国家。大量的反天主教文学和丑闻谣言抨击天主教徒。许多新教徒怀疑天主教徒是否能够成为忠诚的美国人，因为他们被认为主要效忠于教皇。

Internally, Catholics in America faced the question every immigrant group has had to answer: to what extent should they become more like native-born Americans? This question was particularly acute, as Catholics encompassed a variety of languages and customs. Beginning in the 1830s, Catholic immigration to the United States had exploded with the increasing arrival of Irish and German immigrants. Subsequent Catholic arrivals from Italy, Poland, and other Eastern European countries chafed at Irish dominance over the Church hierarchy. Mexican and Mexican American Catholics, whether recent immigrants or incorporated into the nation after the Mexican-American War, expressed similar frustrations. Could all these different Catholics remain part of the same Church?

在内部，天主教徒面临着每一个移民群体都必须回答的问题：他们应该在多大程度上变得像本土出生的美国人？这个问题尤其尖锐，因为天主教徒的语言和习俗多种多样。自19世纪30年代起，随着爱尔兰和德国移民的不断涌入，天主教徒移民美国的数量激增。随后从意大利、波兰和其他东欧国家来的天主教徒对爱尔兰人在教会层级中的主导地位表示不满。无论是新近移民的墨西哥天主教徒，还是在美墨战争后融入美国的墨西哥裔美国人，他们也表达了类似的不满。这些不同背景的天主教徒能否保持在同一个教会里？

Catholic clergy approached this situation from a variety of perspectives. Some bishops advocated rapid assimilation into the English-speaking mainstream. These “Americanists” advocated an end to “ethnic parishes”—the unofficial practice of permitting separate congregations for Poles, Italians, Germans, and so on—in the belief that such isolation only delayed immigrants’ entry into the American mainstream. They anticipated that the Catholic Church could thrive in a nation that espoused religious freedom, if only they assimilated. Meanwhile, however, more conservative clergy cautioned against assimilation. While they conceded that the United States had no official religion, they felt that Protestant notions of the separation of church and state and of licentious individual liberty posed a threat to the Catholic faith. They further saw ethnic parishes as an effective strategy protecting immigrant communities and worried that Protestants would use public schools to attack the Catholic faith. Eventually, the head of the Catholic Church, Pope Leo XIII, weighed in on the controversy. In 1899, he sent a special letter (an encyclical) to an archbishop in the United States. Leo reminded the Americanists that the Catholic Church was a unified global body and that American liberties did not give Catholics the freedom to alter church teachings. The Americanists denied any such intention, but the conservative clergy claimed that the pope had sided with them. Tension between Catholicism and American life, however, would continue well into the twentieth century.

天主教神职人员从不同的角度处理这一情况。一些主教主张快速融入讲英语的主流社会。这些“美国主义者”提倡结束“族裔教区”——即允许波兰人、意大利人、德国人等分别建立自己的教会的做法，因为他们认为这种隔离只会延迟移民融入美国主流社会的进程。他们预见到，只要能够融入，美国的宗教自由将有助于天主教会在美国蓬勃发展。然而，另一方面，一些保守的神职人员则对同化持谨慎态度。虽然他们承认美国没有官方宗教，但他们认为新教关于教会与国家分离以及放任个人自由的观念对天主教信仰构成威胁。保守派神职人员认为族裔教区是保护移民社区的有效策略，他们还担心新教徒会利用公立学校攻击天主教信仰。最终，天主教会的最高领袖教皇利奥十三世也对此争议发表了看法。1899年，他向美国的一位大主教发出了一封特别的信件（通谕）。利奥提醒美国主义者，天主教会是一个统一的全球性团体，而美国的自由并不赋予天主教徒改变教会教义的权力。美国主义者否认有此意图，但保守派神职人员则认为教皇站在了他们一边。然而，天主教与美国社会之间的紧张关系仍将持续到20世纪。

The American encounter with Catholicism—and Catholicism’s encounter with America—testified to the tense relationship between native-born and foreign-born Americans, and to the larger ideas Americans used to situate themselves in a larger world, a world of empire and immigrants.

美国与天主教的接触，及天主教对美国的接触，证明了本土出生的美国人与外国移民之间的紧张关系，也反映了美国人用来定义自己在更大世界中的位置的观念——一个涉及帝国和移民的世界。

VII. Conclusion

七、结论

While American imperialism flared most brightly for a relatively brief time at the turn of the century, new imperial patterns repeated old practices and lived on into the twentieth century. But suddenly the United States had embraced its cultural, economic, and religious influence in the world, along with a newfound military power, to exercise varying degrees of control over nations and peoples. Whether as formal subjects or unwilling partners on the receiving end of Roosevelt’s “big stick,” those who experienced U.S. expansionist policies confronted new American ambitions. At home, debates over immigration and imperialism drew attention to the interplay of international and domestic policy and the ways in which imperial actions, practices, and ideas affected and were affected by domestic questions. How Americans thought about the conflict in the Philippines, for example, was affected by how they approached immigration in their own cities. And at the turn of the century, those thoughts were very much on the minds of Americans.

尽管美国的帝国主义在世纪之交的短时间内最为炽烈，但新的帝国模式重复了旧有的实践，并延续至20世纪。然而，美国开始拥抱其在世界上的文化、经济和宗教影响力，同时凭借新获得的军事力量，对国家和人民施加不同程度的控制。无论是作为正式的属地，还是作为被迫接受罗斯福“胡萝卜加大棒”政策的不情愿伙伴，那些经历美国扩张政策的人们都面临着新兴的美国野心。在国内，有关移民和帝国主义的辩论引起了人们对国际和国内政策相互作用的关注，以及帝国行动、实践和观念如何受到国内问题影响并反过来影响国内问题的方式。例如，美国人对菲律宾冲突的看法会受到他们在本国城市中对移民问题态度的影响。而在世纪之交，这些问题深深萦绕在美国人的脑海中。